Republican Party. While the shock is global this is only the case when one factors into the consideration, which many ignored, that the US has for the most parts been the major power that has turned away from isolationism since 1945, when it cemented itself as the superpower in the world. However, what is interesting about the electoral victory of Trump is the very fact that he himself, once again, was stunned, not unlike November 2016, that he has defied all electoral logic in the US. Invariably to win the popular votes too; a feat which he has failed to do in 2016. But there is more than meets the eye. As a consummate cable network news junkie, often going well into the wee hours of the morning, Trump was stunned by what was reported back. This time around Trump has increased the share of his black African American votes by 20 percent. Even the share of his Asian American votes went up by a single digit although Trump was constantly spewing seemingly anti immigration rhetoric all through 2017 to 2024. To be sure, there are 1.8 million Americans, according to the ex Chief of Communication of Trump i.e. Anthony Scaramuchi,, that remains in jail. This number alone is considered large. Yet to evict 11 million illegal migrants from the US, huge camps and half way stations have to be built. Such a plan would cost the US government anything upward of USD 800 Billion to USD 1 Trillion. To supporters of Trump, this is not something that the US should be intimidated with. Getting the US, a land of immigrants, is more important than allowing illegal and undocumented immigrants to pour into the US, albeit mainly to find their ways into the large cities in the US. While Trump is certain that immigration would be one of the most important issues for him to hit on---the other issue being the inflation of the US---the fact is no American presidents have been re-elected into office by focusing so narrowly on this issue alone. Normally, Hispanic voters in the US are against a President who is anti immigration. Yet even here there was another twist. Invariably in an election characterized by seismic shifts. Not least, there was a surge of 13-point in the Latino vote toward Trump, reported Newsweek on November 14 2024. The President-elect's success also appeared to usher in a new age of political predictions and has again cast doubt on the credibility of America's polling class. In other words, those who had been making all the predictions that the election would be a close race. It wasn't Trump and the Republican Party were triumphant in almost every level of electoral contest. In more ways than one, this election had Trump the presidential contender beating Trump the perpetual swagger. When a President of the United States (POTUS) has deemed this victory as the work of his own "genius," a phrase which Trump had said it out loud on the night of the electoral victory, all the flaws of Trump would be difficult to challenge at the outset. The results are as predictable as they are frenzied. Over the last one week, Trump had agreed to appoint three anti China hawks to be at the helm. Marco Rubio, the descendant of a Cuban immigrant, would be the Secretary of State. The Secretary of Defense would be Pete Hegseth; while the National Security Advisor would be Michael Waltz. Even the US Ambassador to the United Nations (UN) would be Elise Stefanik, barely 40, yet one who has been asked to resign from her position as the Congresswoman in New York to get ready for the position of the UN. Known for her pro-Israel beliefs, Stefanik gained national attention in December 2023 for her intense questioning of university presidents during a widely televised US congressional hearing on antisemitism. Stefanik's questioning contributed to the resignation of Liz Magill, the president of the University of Pennsylvania. Stefanik was awarded the "Dr. Miriam and Sheldon Adelson Defender of Israel Award" by the Zionist Organization of America. Elise, not unlike the three appointments before her, is considered someone who is totally pro Israel. Meanwhile, the former governor of Arizona i.e. Mike Hucklebee would be the US Ambassador to Israel. All of the above seem to have a good relationship with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel. While Tulsi Gabbard, a former Democrat, would be the National Director of Intelligence, a body that oversees the products of eighteen intelligence agencies, she is an American of Salmoan background. Smart and savvy with American affairs but not necessarily one who has a gentle view of political Islam, as she sees the latter as the precursor to "Islamic Terrorism." The Chief of Staff Susan Wiles is openly credited by Trump as the person to bring about the massive electoral victory in the White House and Congress. Susan, while humble and unassuming, would be the first American woman to hold the position of Chief of Staff. While the position of Deputy Chief of Staff would go to Stephen Miller. Stephen Miller was one of the few to have completed his first four years with Trump between early 2017 and 2021 respectively. Brooke Rollins, previously at the American First Policy Institute would be brought into the fold of the White House too. On day one of Trump's administration on January 20th 2025, most of the Executive Orders (EO), one source estimated at three hundred all drafted and ready, would be signed into force by Trump. In the main, they derived from the recommendations of the American First Policy Institute based in Washington DC. The institute was established with the funding of three American billionaires based in Texas. Trump in this sense has a complete chokehold of the system. Whether he is able to ride above the proverbial parapet of American bipartisanship, much of it would depend on Trump's own aptitude and attitude in full. In his first term, for example, Trump's agenda was often put in check by seven Republican senators. Come what may, Trump has been given blank slate to do whatever he wants for now. In a Trump versus Trump administration one will see all the quirks and peccadilloes of Trump more clearly. This does not mean that Trump 2.0 can do what it can to pave the way for, say, Ivanka Trump to be the first woman President of the US by 2029. Let alone clearing away the path for Vice President JD Vance, barely 41, to step into the shoes of Trump. But the prospect of a dominant Trump is real both within the US and without. Ironically, it is perhaps a good thing that Trump does not like any kind of multilateralism at all. In fact, Trump once affirmed the most "beautiful word in the English dictionary is tariff. " Punitive or otherwise, Trump plans to slap all forms of tariffs on American and non American companies to goad them to return to the mainland of the US. As he explained to Josh Rogan a week before the fateful election of November 5th 2024: "When the administration slams all forms of tariffs on the semi conductor imports, the same companies will find their way back to the US to try to establish their factories in the US." Theoretically, Trump's self serving logic may have some degree of Truism. But according to Gordon Chang, former Chairman of Taiwan Semiconductor Multinational Corporation (TSMC): "For a foundry to succeed, the labor turnover must not exceed more than five percent a month." A feat which the US has not been able to hold down, as compared to Taiwan or China, who have become accustomed to the routined labor of making sure all the chips are produced without any margin of error. Thus whether Trump can succeed or fail on the re-industrialization of the American Incorporated, the taste of the pudding remains in the eating. This article is contributed by the Centre of Regional Strategic Studies (CROSS) and authored by Dr. Phar Kim Beng, Expert Committee Member of CROSS and CEO of Strategic Pan Indo Pacific Arena; Girrishaa Rajan, Strategic Analyst of Strategic Pan Indo Pacific Arena

consensus-based decision-making. It has been a busy November for me, having first accompanied the Prime Minister on his visit to CIIE in Shanghai and Beijing, then to Egypt before we headed to the 31st Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Economic Leaders Week (AELW) in Peru. It is a gruelling schedule but international engagements, including forums like APEC, are crucial to Malaysia, particularly given the geopolitical developments in recent years. As early as 1989, Malaysia became one of the founding economies of APEC, which arguably remains a cornerstone of regional economic integration and collaboration. This years APEC, with the theme of "Empower-Include-Grow" sought to tackle pressing challenges and reinforce commitments to inclusivity and sustainability. This was particularly significant given Malaysia's upcoming chairmanship of ASEAN in 2025 and the recent re-election of Donald Trump as US President, introducing new variables into the global chess board of economic prowess and positioning somethin geveryone was talking about in Lima. Being part of APEC matters to and benefits Malaysia on several fronts. First, with a combined population of 3 billion, APECs 21 member economies represent approximately 62% of the worlds GDP and 47% of global trade. Aside from trade, APEC also facilitates investments, capacity building and knowledge sharing. In 2023, APEC's GDP grew by 3.5%, surpassing the global growth rate of 3.2%. This was driven by robust household spending and a resilient services sector, notably the recovery of travel and tourism. The same 3.5% growth rate is forecast for APEC in 2024. Although geopolitical uncertainties, trade protectionism, and commodity price fluctuations may temper growth to 3.1% in 2025, there is undoubtedly resilience in our combined strength. In terms of enhancing trade, as of July 2023, member economies had signed a combined total of 212 free trade agreements (FTAs), with 202 in force. Notably, 74 of these FTAs are intra-APEC, involving at least two member economies, and to good effect for us - **in 2023, APEC ****economies accounted for 78.1% or over RM2 trillion of Malaysias ****total trade, **while contributing **57.2% or RM107.8 billion of total ****approved investments **across all sectors in Malaysia. In short, one can safely presume that the APEC membership has supported Malaysias economy in a big way. **APEC & Malaysia's 2025 ASEAN Chairmanship: A Synergistic ****Opportunity ** Meanwhile, Malaysia intends to leverage its Chairmanship of ASEAN in 2025 to bring about synergistic benefits between the APEC economies and the ASEAN member states, seven of which are also in APEC. ASEAN, arguably is also at the heart of APEC geographically, strategically and economically. This rare dual-role opportunity places Malaysia in a unique position to strongly advocate for both forums to pursue a balanced, non-polarising approach in the Indo-Pacific, with a clear call to action for member economies to deepen their collaborative focus on inclusivity, innovation, equitable growth and sustainability. Indeed, Malaysias 2025 ASEAN Chairmanship theme of Inclusivity and Sustainability is very much aligned to APECs 2024 theme, as both frameworks seek to prioritize the digital economy, green technologies, and support for small and medium enterprises, to pave the way for regional stability and shared prosperity. But APECs most important contribution moving forward might be itrole in enshrining a multilateral, rules-based international system. Trump's return to the US presidency resurrects concerns that hiprevious "America First" policies will result in a further retreat fromultilateralism, vis--vis APEC and other regional frameworks, although admittedly, the new administrations official policies will only be known post-inauguration of the new US President. However, I would likewise posit that this development also presents us with opportunities. APEC has been and can continue to serve as a platform for the US to engage constructively with the region on economic issues like supply chain resilience, strategic resources and digital trade. Indeed, we are hopeful that the new Trump administration will approach global trade with pragmatism and a clear view of the mutual benefits of multilateral engagement, which will complement APEC's cooperative ethos. APEC has proven its effectiveness in fostering cooperation among diverse economies, enabling them to address shared challenges such as economic inequality. In the context of APEC, adherence to an agreed-upon rules-based system facilitates trade liberalization, investment flows, and economic integration to promote stability in international relations. It also provides mechanisms for dispute resolution and the enforcement of agreements, which are crucial for maintaining trust. Moreover, a rules-based system upholds the sovereignty of nations while encouraging them to collaborate on global issues. This balance is key to avoid unilateral actions that can lead to conflicts and economic disruptions. **Cooperation, Not Conflict, for Global Progress ** The US and China, as the two largest economies within APEC, remain pivotal to the worlds economic trajectory. This year, their economies are expected to grow by 2.5% and 4.8%, respectively. In the long run, concord between the US and China is the best outcome for not only their peoples, but also the wider world. While we may not agree on everything, I believe the Trump White House will find Malaysia, as well as APEC and ASEAN willing to engage with them to ensure peace, stability and prosperity in our region and beyond. When it comes to trade and investment, we believe Malaysias neutrality is valuable, not only to our own foreign and economic policies, but also as a bridge between rival powers. Ours is neutrality in engagement, not in isolation, to help address global supply chain vulnerabilities, economic shocks, and climate-related disruptions. Regardless of what is happening globally, Malaysians can rest assured that the government will continue to proactively navigate whatever implications arise to protect the rakyats interests. Indeed, recent geopolitical developments validate our strategy to be friends to all, without suppressing Malaysias strong views on glaring global injustices. Indeed, our continued participation in international forums like APEC, as well as new ones like the BRICS reflect Malaysias desire for more constructive engagement to bring about a better counterbalance of superpowers in the global world order. As the world grapples with geopolitical realignments and economic uncertainties, institutions like APEC and ASEAN must stand as a beacon of multilateralism, resilience, and innovation, especially in fostering deeper cooperation and consensus-based decision-making. When all is said and done, the worlds ability to thrive for the many needs more, not less constructive multilateralism.

right wing Malays. They use a few photos and video snippets, which do not reflect the full picture, to create a false impression that local Chinese are disloyal to the nation. They are also attempting to incite fear within the Malay community towards China and the communist party in China. This is not an isolated incident; it will continue to occur in the future, as irresponsible politicians need to constantly stir up issues to provoke public emotions and secure support from their communities. These two worrying incidents remind me a scene at the Tiananmen Square in China on 1 October 2019. I was with many Malaysian Chinese community leaders bestowed with the title of Tan Sri, invited to attend the 70th-anniversary celebration of the Peoples Republic of China. Each of us received a bag containing a bottle of water and a five-star red flag at platform. One Tan Sri and I looked at the flag and remarked, If we wave this, it could spell trouble. Wherever we are, we constantly remember that Malaysia is our home; this patriotic sentiment does not need to be judged by leaders of UMNO Youth or PAS. After the flag incidents in Teluk Intan and Penang, I was amazed to see some people come forward to apologise. Foreigners were waving the Chinese flags, and we, as Malaysians, had not waved a foreign flag, so why apologise? We must not let politicians, who have long manipulated their communities with a "victim mentality," smear the Chinese community as "unpatriotic", creating a victim mindset among the Malays that as the owner of this land, they have granted the Chinese citizenship, allowed Chinese names and Chinese education but betrayed by the Chinese in return. These politicians have used the approach to control community sentiments over generations. Now, they are trying to instil fear of China among the community and link Chinese nationals with local Chinese, which we should be cautious of. Meanwhile, after years of struggle, Chinese and Indian communities have also developed a similar sense of victimisation that they have been treated unfairly. Manipulated by the politicians, the grassroots of various ethnic groups are emotionally vulnerable. The spread of fake information in internet can easily reach a stage of beyond control. Not long ago, the George Town Festival in Penang released a promotional video featuring performances of Indian drums, Chinese Teochew opera, and modern Malay dance. However, the video was sensationalised as lacking Malay elements and the programmes were too Chinese-centric. While it is not clear whether the organisers explained the situation immediately, the promotional videos were removed from social media immediately under pressure and an apology was issued, as if a mistake had been made. The Chinese Malaysians were puzzled, as Malay performances were indeed included as part of the programme, yet the organiser was blamed while the accuser appeared as victims. Unfortunately, many who stir up issues do so not to solve problems but to be the hero. Often, those criticised simply compromise to avoid further entanglement, missing the chance to bring all parties together for a meaningful dialogue and solve the problem. We continue to live with the mindset of being a victim, encounter endless biased accusations and engage in insignificant disputes. Out of concern for the lack of initiatives bridging ethnic divides, I proposed to establish a cross-media alliance in 2022, inviting editors from English daily The Star, Malay tabloid Sinar Harian, and Astro Awani to collaborate periodically on topics that encourage racial harmony. Later, the Tamil newspaper Malaysia Nanban also joined us. On the other hand, the Chinese flag incidents in Teluk Intan and Penang should serve as a reminder to Chinese nationals in Malaysia to be more sensitive to the local sentiment, so that their actions or words are not misinterpreted or used by certain politicians to attack local Chinese Malaysians. In recent years, Chinese nationals have become more visible in towns and cities in Malaysia, with huge Chinese-language signs all over the places. Recently, local authorities started to crack down on illegal signages. I have long advised Chinese friends that signages with Chinese text larger than Malay text are against the law. Local Chinese Malaysians fought long ago for the right to display Chinese-language signs, ultimately reaching a compromise that Malay text must be larger than Chinese text. Therefore, all Chinese nationals operating businesses in Malaysia should understand this history. Additionally, since not all Malays are able to differentiate Chinese nationals and local Chinese Malaysians, certain politicians exploit this to create a sense of crisis within the community. As newcomers, Chinese nationals should understand the history of ethnic relations in Malaysia and not take what they see for granted. Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, as the head of the unity government, has stated that he will not tolerate the growth of racism and clarified that he is not pro-China just because of these flag incidents. Nonetheless, his political opponents continue to imply that local Chinese Malaysians are unpatriotic and portray the Democratic Action Party (DAP), which has significant support from Chinese Malaysians, as the instigator of these issues. In the past, the DAP accused the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) of failing to have authority despite the fact that MCA was part of the ruling coalition , which fueled dissatisfaction among local Chinese Malaysians. Now, as the DAP holds power, it is under similar pressure. The unity government is a temporary coalition formed out of necessity based on each partys interest, and in the next general election, an inevitable standoff between UMNO-led Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Harapan will emerge. The attacks on issues related to the Chinese community by UMNO Youth aim to accumulate leverage for future elections. Anwars silence on the words and actions of UMNO Youth leaders is a strategic move to maintain stability, avoid direct conflict with UMNO, and keep the unity government intact. During the heated Chinese flag incident, I was taking a break in China and visited the Chengdu Museum. I saw Chinese parents bringing their children to learn about history. The conversation between a mother and son discussing a photo of Japanese bombings in Chengdu left a lasting impression on me. A boy, about six years old, asked his mother, Why did Japanese soldiers kill Chinese people? The mother answered, We only have one earth, and people must live in peace. People are happy only if the world is peaceful. Reflecting on this, I cant help but think about the Russia-Ukraine war, the conflict between Israel and Palestine, and how Malaysia, made up of multi-racial communities, cannot afford racial or religious conflicts. Malaysia is a blessed country, where different ethnic groups showcase their wisdom and strength to the world. This harmony should not be disrupted by hate speech, nor should we be blinded by fragmented information. In this era of new media where human emotions are easily provoked, we need more people to step up and work towards unity, rather than letting dark forces triumph over light. Media is indeed the source of this unifying powerare we aware of our own value? _(_**Kuik Cheng Kang**_ is Group Editor-in-Chief (Malaysia) at Media Chinese International Limited (MCIL) cum Sin Chew Daily Editor-in-Chief.)_

Partner States are 13 others, but the official members so far account for 35 per cent of global GDP already more than the collective GDP of the Group of Seven (G7) composed of seven of the most advanced economies, namely Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, United Kingdom, and United States. BRICS also dwarfs G7 in total combined population (45 per cent of world population vs. G7s 10 per cent), and covers twice the land area (30 per cent of total vs. G7s 15 per cent). And with over 40 countries expressing interest to join, BRICS is poised to be a dominant grouping in the years ahead. BRICS is considered to be the foremost geopolitical rival to the G7 bloc, with the former seen as China-led and the latter as US-led, they being the largest economies in each. Even so, it is said that BRICS will not (and does not necessarily aim to) supplant the US as global economic leader, but simply bring about a multipolar world order that gives the Global South a greater voice and role in the world agenda. After all, Brazil and India call themselves non-aligned, making it unlikely that members will align behind a common China-driven strategy. India has in fact been at odds with China, and rejects the anti-Western stance it shares with Russia and newcomer Iran. These three wish to supplant the dollar as the global reserve currency, and establish an alternative global payments system to circumvent Western sanctions on their financial dealings. But other members like South Africa and Egypt value economic diversification and the flexibility to continue active engagement with the West. And as BRICS grows further with the entry of more members, its less likely to take a unified adversarial stance against the Western economic bloc. The rising economic power of BRICS spells opportunities to diversify our trade beyond traditional markets like the US and Japan. While China is already our top trading partner, its further economic expansion, along with further new markets its Belt and Road Initiative could open, will further widen trade opportunities and help strengthen our connectivity within the region. India also holds wider opportunities for us, especially in information technology services. With our strong English-speaking populations, there is great potential for collaboration in outsourcing services, software development, and digital innovation. Brazil, Russia, South Africa, and newer BRICS members also offer unique trade prospects, particularly for Philippine agricultural and food products. Opportunities also lie in the alternative development financing mechanisms of BRICS, like the New Development Bank (NDB) and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement. These could open new options for development finance for us, and help reduce dependency on the US-dominated International Monetary Fund and World Bank. NDB financing could also be an alternative to Chinese bilateral infrastructure loans, and offer potentially more favorable terms while diversifying our capital sources. BRICS membership could gain us more leverage in negotiations with Western financial institutions, and obtain for us more competitive loan terms from traditional lenders. Further opportunities would lie in overseas employment potentials for skilled and semi-skilled Filipinos, with many already working in BRICS countries in health care, construction, and other services. A core motivation behind BRICS is to reduce dependency on Western economic systems and promote a multipolar world order. As the bloc strengthens, it could potentially reshape global institutions and create alternative systems for trade and finance. For the Philippines, this shift could offer a chance to balance its relations with Western powers and rising Eastern economies, enhancing its strategic resilience. BRICS could offer the Philippines more geopolitical room to manoeuvre, allowing it to engage with both Western and non-Western economies without being overly dependent on any single power bloc. Closer relations with BRICS could give the Philippines alternative allies in times of regional tensions or economic crises, including in dealing with its complex geopolitical relationship with China in the West Philippine Sea. Should we knock on BRICS door now? Id say we should.

same group. Animals hardly display compassion for outsiders. Instead, they exhibit anger, aggression and antagonism toward strangers or other species. Sadly, we humans take after animals these days. It is a shame because humans should be better than animals. What, then, differentiates humans from animals? There is a myriad of traits that are distinctively human. The capacity to use language for communication, for example, or the faculties of common sense and rationality make us better than animals. So do decorum, decency and integrity. We can factor in humility, consideration and temperance, as well. A sense of shame, guilt and regret, too, can join the list. Regrettably, however, we are today living in an era when those admirable human virtues are disappearing, and instead, bestial behaviour and belligerence are predominant in our society and around the globe. Few people would deny that our politicians are primarily responsible for causing our civilised society to revert to the animal kingdom. Some politicians preach that eating and surviving is our societys primary concern. It may be true if we are animals. Yet, humans should be different from animals. Instead of eating and surviving, therefore, political leaders should come up with more noble objectives or with blueprints for our nations future. Other political leaders unabashedly deceive the people with lies, populism and hollow political propaganda. They divide the people into two mutually antagonising groups and tear the country apart by brainwashing people with their radical political ideology. They also oppress the people who do not support them and persecute political enemies ruthlessly. Those politicians religiously believe that they can do anything for their ideology, including killing others who have different ideologies. In that sense, they are no different from dictators who terrorise the country. There are, unfortunately, many naive people who still blindly and ardently support such malicious, tyrannical political leaders. Some radical supporters turn into fanatic fans for the politicians they like, creating a hostile fandom that resembles the Red Guard during the Chinese Cultural Revolution. Sometimes, even intellectuals and writers, too, join the whirlpool of political skirmishes for a position in the government, but end up merely being puppets for wicked politicians. Just as animals do over territorial disputes, there are some political leaders in the world today who start wars by invading other countries in the name of unification or the restoration of former territories. Others menace the world with nuclear weapons, threatening that World War III is imminent. Sending dirty balloons to another country, too, is not something civilised people would do. In addition, there are religious political leaders who keep massacring people of different religions in the name of God, while conveniently forgetting that Christ taught that we should love our enemies. In some authoritarian socialist countries, politicians plot election fraud by tampering with or fabricating the number of votes, following Stalins counsel, Those who vote decide nothing. Those who count the vote decide everything. Even in democratic countries, some political leaders brazenly defy democracy and become tyrannical. They do not concede the outcome of an election and are willing to instigate a Civil War to overturn it. Recently, a renowned Korean poet, Oh Sae-young, wrote to me, lamenting the current situation, These days, insanity has become common sense, hypocrisy has become a virtue, and the personal vendetta has become justice. Moreover, fake news has become truth, ignorance has become intellect, and demagogy has become patriotism. Meanwhile, people loathe and antagonise each other, growl at and bite one another. Alas! Humans have turned into animals these days and we are now living in the animal kingdom. Another Korean intellectual Cha Yun, Chairman of Chayun Public Relations, too, deplored the political climate of Korea and wrote to me lately, At South Koreas National Assembly, we can hear and see our politicians yelling, swearing, deriding, insulting and slandering every day. Instead of common sense, decency and rationality, only animal instinct to kill and survive is predominant. Had it not been for the agitation of politicians, ordinary people could have lived serenely and happily, caring about each other. Yet, we cannot live in a world without politicians. We cannot abolish the election system, either, even though it has its own flaws. Still, however, we should try hard to restore our long lost humanity, integrity and decency.

the UN's Sustainable Development Goals, have faced setbacks exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. The static progress to eliminate gender discrimination is also reflected in the realities of our country. Notwithstanding Malaysias status as a signatory to the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), misogyny remains deeply entrenched in the social fabric. When politicians publicly make demeaning remarks toward women, it signals to the broader public that such behaviour is **acceptable** and thus becomes **normalised**. **From gender-based discrimination to gender-based violence** Consistently, statistics show that violence against women in Malaysia remains a significant issue, with rates that are relatively high compared to global and regional averages, as reported by UNDP and WHO. Two years ago, the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act 2022 (ASHA) established a tribunal for handling such complaints. A growing body of research studies and systematic reviews have investigated the links between violent misogyny and violent extremism, revealing a complex relationship where **misogynistic attitudes and gender-based violence often intersect with radicalisation and extremist behaviours**. Correspondingly, Smith (2019) notes that male perpetrators of terrorism often have histories of interpersonal violence, especially VAWG. Moreover, extremist organisations like Islamic and right-wing terrorist groups are notorious for their renunciation of gender equality. The above empirical evidence powerfully underscores the need to recognise misogyny and histories of domestic violence as **significant early indicators of potential terrorism**. This insight is **crucial for developing more effective prevention and intervention strategies**. In patriarchal societies, men and boys must live up to unattainable masculine ideals. Failing to do so leads to shame and exclusion. Similarly, traditional gender hierarchy can accelerate womens radicalisation. Women often support this hierarchy due to societal expectations of marriage and child-rearing. Ironically, many female members of extremist groups have faced sexual gender-based violence (SGBV) or patriarchal control, leading them to join for protection from male violence. Furthermore, gender mainstreaming is not common in P/CVE policy frameworks as most national action plans do not mention gender or sex. When female terrorists are noted, they are merely seen as fighters wives, ignoring their motives and roles within terrorist groups. Meanwhile, as illustrated above understanding gender power relations is integral to grasping the pathways to violent extremism and the operations of terrorist organisations. These insights are crucial for crafting effective P/CVE strategies. Hence, vigorous gender mainstreaming is essential in P/CVE frameworks. Policy-makers and leaders in civil society organisations (CSOs) must lead the counter misogynistic narratives and promote gender equality by empowering women in P/CVE programmes. Engaging with women CSOs not only amplifies women's voices but also integrates the government's mechanisms with civil society. For instance, Indonesia and the Philippines collaborate with local women CSOs and UN Women to incorporate a gender-sensitive approach in their P/CVE national action plans. Moreover, training on theintricate relationship between violent misogyny and extremism should be provided to policymakers, security officials, and civil society actors. Implementing this knowledge can help identify and address misogynistic terrorism. The Ministry of Education should consider including gender education in school curricula to promote gender equality and prevent misogynistic beliefs among youth. Since evidence strongly indicates that gender-based violence can be a significant early indicator of potential terrorism, authorities should routinely investigate individuals with a history of domestic violence for potential extremist connections. Likewise, addressing the spread of online misogynistic rhetoric and gender-based violence is vital, as they often serve as recruitment tools for radical groups. Platforms should implement victim-centred policies, improve transparency, enhance cross-platform cooperation, and apply gender-sensitive moderation to mitigate these risks effectively. Additionally, a national referral system should detect early signs of violent misogynistic extremism and provide corrective programs. Gender-specific radicalisation indicators and assessments of hostile sexism should be used to evaluate misogyny's role in their radicalisation process. Given the robust evidence linking gender-based discrimination to violence and subsequent radicalisation, it is imperative to give this problem wider recognition through more comprehensive policies aimed at eradicating gender discrimination, including formally recognising it as a form of extremism and integrating it prominently within P/CVE frameworks. _(_**Dr Margarita Peredaryenko**_ and _**Avyce Heng**_ are part of the research team at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research._)

Despite stringent export controls and sanctions imposed by the US and its allies, China continues its technological advancements. Sanctions failed to stop its missions as the country relentlessly launched satellites and conducted space exploration activities, particularly in lunar exploration. In 2019, Chinas Change-4 mission made history by landing on the far side of the Moon, exploring the Moons South Pole-Aitken basin. In 2020, the Change-5 mission returned lunar samples to Earth for the first time in over 40 years and detected water in its soil. These discoveries are crucial for future lunar missions and potential moon mining projects. China plans to build an International Lunar Research Station (ILRS) and explore Mars, Venus, and Jupiter from there. Segue to the current nail-biting US presidential race where Kamala Harris and Donald Trump are locked in a fierce battle for the White House, the outcome of which will determine not only the direction of US domestic policy but also influence the countrys approach to its strategic rivalry with China, especially the tech war. The on-going technology war is a high-stakes contest for global dominance in critical areas such as semiconductors, artificial intelligence (AI), space missions, and 5G technology. Both nations are vying for leadership in these fields, recognising that technological superiority is key to economic and military dominance in the 21st century. Regardless of who wins the presidential race, the tech dual is expected to intensify. However, Harris and Trump have different approaches to this high-stakes rivalry. Harris will likely continue the Biden administrations strategy of working with allies to impose targeted export controls and restrictions on Chinese technology companies. This approach aims to curb Beijings technological advancements while maintaining strong international alliances. Harris has emphasised the importance of multilateral cooperation and has called for increased investment in American innovation and research to stay ahead of China. Trump, on the other hand, may adopt a more aggressive stance. During his previous term, he imposed broad tariffs on Chinese goods and implemented sweeping penalties on its tech companies. He criticised Beijing for unfair trade practices and intellectual property theft, taking a hardline approach to counter its rise. If re-elected, Trump will likely continue this aggressive strategy, potentially escalating tensions further. The outcome of the US presidential election will have significant implications for global innovation and economic stability. The Washington-Beijing tech war is not just a bilateral issue; it affects the entire world. It has spurred innovation in both countries. However, it also poses risks to global innovation. Technology transfer and collaboration restrictions can hinder knowledge flow and slow technological progress. A more cooperative approach could foster greater innovation and benefit the global tech ecosystem. The tech rivalry is reshaping geopolitical dynamics, with countries worldwide drawn into the vortex. US allies are pressured to take sides, while China seeks to expand its influence through initiatives like BeiDous low-cost satellite navigation offers. The outcome of the US presidential election will influence how these geopolitical dynamics play out. In the movie _Gravity_ (2013), an American astronaut Dr Ryan Stone, played by Sandra Bullock, is forced to navigate to a Chinese space station, the Tiangong, to ultimately return to Earth after a catastrophic debris collision in space, effectively being saved by the Chinese mission. This cinematic portrayal of international cooperation is a powerful reminder that collaboration can achieve remarkable outcomes. Regardless of who wins the ticket to the White House, cooperation helps everyone everywhere. Trying to defeat an enemy is a short-sighted goal; winning them over is a more sustainable and beneficial vision. The US presidential race and the technology war with China are intertwined in a high-stakes battle for global dominance. The elections outcome will shape this rivalrys future and impact worldwide innovation and economic stability. As we navigate this complex landscape, pursuing strategies that foster international cooperation, protect national interests, and promote a prosperous and secure future for all is essential. _**(**_**Dr Sayeed Ahmed**_ is a consulting engineer and the CEO of Bayside Analytix, a technology-focused strategy and management consulting organisation.)_

alter our lives, humanity could end up sealing its own fate through destructive nihilism and untrammelled militarism. The month of October treated the world with many geopolitical surprises, which should alert us to the distinct prospect of a global conflict. Think of the tit-for-tat missile exchanges between the two most powerful nations in the Middle East. There are reasons to believe that the two antagonists are still committed to calibrating their direct confrontation, but the risk of a regional conflagration with the direct participation of superpowers is still within the realm of possibility especially if we get a swashbuckling version of a Trump 2.0 presidency next year. On a more fundamental level, however, we are also witnessing the steady collapse of the very institutions, which are supposed to prevent a global conflict. The horrific atrocities on October 7 last year and the unfathomable evisceration of whole neighbourhoods from Gaza to Lebanon in the ensuing months have grave consequences for the post-war order. After spending years rallying the Global South against Vladimir Putins barbaric invasion of sovereign Ukraine, the West is now on the back foot both geopolitically and morally. Nothing better captures this mega-reversal than the latest edition of the BRICS Plus Summit in Kazan, Russia, where Putin giddily welcomed the leaders of the most powerful non-Western nations on earth. If anything, the likes of Trkiye, Saudi Arabia and Malaysia are lining up to join the BRICS, which is increasingly positioning itself as a springboard for a post-Western international order. The seamless de-stigmatisation of the Russian leader, who is facing a warrant of arrest by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for atrocities committed against Ukrainian civilians in 2022, has everything to do with the devastating conflict in the Middle East. Tens of thousands of children, women, and innocent civilians have perished in brutal military operations by Western powers. According to an Oxfam estimate, the death rates in Gaza over the past year surpass even the deadliest years in comparable conflicts from Iraq to Syria. In response, multiple leading nations from the Global South have backed an on-going genocide case against a key United States ally before the International Court of Justice. The Joseph Biden administration, however, has neither genuinely reconsidered its arms supply to on-going military operations in Gaza and Lebanon nor has it supported any international scrutiny of alleged war crimes. If anything, it has even threatened ICC with sanctions after the latter mulled warrants of arrest against top Israeli leaders. Many observers, who have rightly condemned Russias invasion of Ukraine and are now witnessing the unfolding humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza, are openly warning that the Middle East could end up as the graveyard of international law. Lest we forget, this is the same region that has witnessed countless Western military interventions based on questionable grounds and as in notable cases like Iraq in contravention of international law. And this is the same region where millions of innocent civilians have unjustifiably suffered for years due to collective and debilitating sanctions levied on their nations entire financial and trading systems. Bidens policies may ultimately also cost his party the upcoming elections. While exhibiting much greater symmetry in empathy for civilian lives in on-going conflicts in the Middle East, Vice President Kamala Harris has alienated a huge number of Muslim-American and progressive voters in swing states, most dramatically in Michigan, by refusing to back an unconditional and swift ceasefire. Paradoxically, Donald Trump has deftly portrayed himself as the tough negotiator who could swiftly end multiplane on-going conflicts by directly dealing with the strongmen antagonists. Unsurprisingly, he has picked up endorsements by Muslim-American groups and is leading among Arab-American voters in polls. The impending return of Trump to the White House will likely not only upend American democracy at home but also accelerate the breakdown of the post-war international system at large.

countries through trade and security, wonder if it is all only downhill from now. Expectations are low, no matter who wins the deadlocked Nov 5 election, but it would seem that Asia cautiously views Vice-President Kamala Harris as the better option. Former president Donald Trumps second stint could come with massive tariff hikes and another trade war, with severe consequences for China-centric manufacturing networks across Asia. His wish for a weaker US dollar could weaken Southeast Asian exports. And the pressure on Asean nations to choose sides in the China-US rivalry could escalate quickly as Trump prioritises competition with China. Harris may walk further along the more predictable path laid by President Joe Biden. She will likely target for sanctions on a select, but growing, number of industries deemed critical to US economic security. Her consultative, multilateral approach will at least feel less abrasive. But neither candidate packs policies that can be viewed as ideal, said Asian and American officials, diplomats, businesses and think-tankers in interviews with _The Straits Times_. Many would agree with Malaysias Deputy Investment, Trade and Industry Minister Liew Chin Tongs assessment that the difference between Harris and Trump is a matter not of direction, but intensity. Neither can turn back the clock to a simpler, unipolar world. Trump will definitely take a far more isolationist and America First approach, but it doesnt mean Harris will be able to take the world back to 1995 when WTO was formed, Liew said, referring to the hopes spurred for a reduction of trade barriers and expansion of global trade at the birth of the World Trade Organisation. If there is no big crisis, then Southeast Asian countries will probably get on with Trump 2.0 with a grimace, said Greg Poling from Washingtons Centre for Strategic and International Studies. They will get through without too much disruption, which is what happened the last time. But there might be a souring of sentiment towards the US, a double-digit drop in trust in US leadership. And the US government will find it harder to get public or diplomatic support for initiatives, he added. Singapores Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan put it pragmatically while speaking to the media after attending the UN General Assembly in New York in September. We will deal with the consequences of elections, and we will engage whoever is victorious, he said. With diplomatic decorum, the Chinese Embassy in Washington said it hoped that whoever is elected is committed to growing ties. The furry emissaries may help, it ventured. We hope the arrival of the pandas will inject fresh impetus into exchanges between China and the US, and help stabilise the broader bilateral relationship as well, said embassy spokesman Liu Pengyu, ascribing the timing of the duos arrival to discussions between the American zoo and Chinese conservation officials. But from Beijings perspective, scholars who engage in Track 2 diplomacy on behalf of the state have been unusually public in hinting at a preference for Harris. China sees her continuing Bidens policy of engagement and worries that people-to-people exchanges will snap if Trump were to become president, said Professor Jia Qingguo from Peking University and Professor Chen Dongxiao, who heads the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies. But others, like Professor Da Wei from Tsinghua University, caution that policy continuity is less positive than it seems because it perpetuates poor ties that exist now. Trumps presence may bring unexpected benefits for China, he added. If Trump were to continue with the tariffs, it may reach a point where the American economy cannot bear it any more, and Trumps new ideas on foreign policy issues, such as on Ukraine, may bring about new opportunities for us. If Trump ends US support for Ukraine and retreats from the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, it could create a power vacuum in Europe that China might seek to fill through increased diplomatic and economic engagement. A wilder version of this argument goes thus: Trump would be good for China because Trump is bad for Americas democracy, economy and allies. On social media, he is jokingly called Chuan Jian Guo or Trump the Nation Builder, with the nation here being China. An intriguing proposition is whether there could be an unexpected breakthrough under the unpredictable Trump, who positions himself as a dealmaker. Poling said: I would imagine that Trump would be open to some kind of splashy but somewhat shallow displays of diplomacy, as we saw under the first term. But it would be unsustainable because Trump is committed to beating China economically, he added. A defining moment could be how Trump handles Taiwan relations early in his administration. After winning the 2016 presidential election, he breached decades of diplomatic protocol by having a phone conversation with Taiwans then President Tsai Ing-wen. Since the US switched diplomatic relations to Beijing in 1979, there had not been an American presidential phone call to the president of Taiwan. The incident drew a critical but relatively low-key response from Beijing, which maintains that Taiwan, which is self-governing, is part of its territory. Trump has framed the issue of defending Taiwan in transactional terms, suggesting that support would depend on whether it would be economically beneficial to the US, and criticising Taiwans semiconductor industry for allegedly taking about 100 per cent of our chip business. It is possible that Trump would view it as leverage over Xi and would want to act tough on Taiwan. But it is also possible that he would be willing to sacrifice Taiwan in bilateral accommodation with China, said Poling. Harris is expected to continue current policies but, unlike Biden, she has not explicitly stated that the US would intervene militarily if China were to attack Taiwan. As for the two US allies in East Asia, Trump 2.0 may trigger some bad memories. Observers in Seoul point to a striking difference between Harris, who has been silent on Korean peninsula issues on the campaign trail, and Trumps repeated references that things can happen in his negotiations with North Korea, hinting at the potential for renewed dialogue with leader Kim Jong Un. If Trump gets re-elected and withdraws American troops, South Korea will have to move towards having nuclear capability, said one analyst, speaking off the record to discuss a sensitive issue. South Korea does not currently possess nuclear weapons, but is concerned about the US rolling back its nuclear umbrella under Trump, even as it faces nuclear threats from North Korea. Japan has had a better record with Trump, thanks to the personal rapport that the late prime minister Shinzo Abe struck with him, even before Trumps 2017 inauguration. He also elevated the strategic Quad alliance between the US, Japan, India and Australia. Professor Satoru Mori from Keio University, speaking at the Foreign Press Centre of Japan on Oct 11, said: Some people are worried that Trump might scuttle these frameworks. But Quad was originally conceived during the Trump administration. And US-Japan-South Korea could be considered as an instrument to pressure North Korea. Dr Lynn Kuok, the Lee Kuan Yew Chair in Southeast Asia Studies at the Brookings Institution, suggested that the differences between a Trump and Harris administration are likely overstated in the security realm. Although former president Trump is often accused of being dismissive of alliances, and we might see him revert to his more transactional instincts, a more hawkish Trump 2.0 would ultimately seek to deepen security and economic ties with important allies and partners so as to better counter China, she said. Both India and the Philippines appear confident that their ties with the US post-Biden will continue to flourish, no matter who is in the White House. We also expect continued assistance in our defence modernisation through increased foreign military financing, as well as in rallying like-minded countries to support the Philippines in pushing back against Chinas illegal, coercive, aggressive and deceptive actions in the West Philippine Sea, said Philippine Ambassador to the US Jose Manuel Romualdez, using the Philippines term for the part of the South China Sea within its exclusive economic zone, much of which is also claimed by the Chinese. He said he had been assured that support for the Philippines will not change under Trump, although the approach might. The emphasis on the networks of alliances and partnerships may not be as pronounced under Trump. But he could be more forceful and decisive in his words and actions against China and in support of the Philippines, he added. If there was a real crisis, people would be much more sceptical of his willingness to follow through, to put American skin in the game to fulfil alliance commitments or deter China. India appears better placed to weather the changing of the guard. It is expected to remain a key part of the American Indo-Pacific policy and as a bulwark against China. Its External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar said in August that India will be able to work with the US president, whoever he or she will be. There is virtually no difference, agreed Poling. Even though there might be some cachet in Harris being the first president of South Asian descent in the US, Trump is also wildly popular, at least with Modi and his government. Given the stresses associated with the return of Trump, it is understandable why Asia might prefer the continuity under Harris, although her administration may extend US support for Israel in the bloody Gaza war, which has been condemned by large Muslim populations across the region. She may not have the experience or the desire to quickly shape her foreign policy in ways that are significantly different from Bidens priorities, noted Malaysian Investment Development Authority board member Ong Kian Ming. But he added: This should be a reassuring point for Asean countries in being able to anticipate continuity, even in areas which we are not in agreement with, for example, Gaza, compared with the kinds of uncertainty under Trump, for example, stopping military aid to Ukraine. Trump says his beautiful tariffs a 60 per cent tariff on goods from China and up to 20 per cent on everything else the US imports will be good for the economy, but corporate America would likely disagree. If you are in the twisting wire hangers business, you might be pretty happy. But in terms of growth and employment, there is nothing to be said for it, said a senior business source based in Washington, pointing out that if manufacturers were forced to source everything domestically, it would make the US completely uncompetitive. But businesses are preparing to push back, counting on the fact that the narrative on Capitol Hill has changed since the first Trump term, when the usually pro-trade Republicans had stayed silent as debates raged on bilateral trade deficits. I am not sure that there will be as much enthusiasm for tariffs as a tool to manage debt and trade deficits, said the business leader. It is very possible that the Trump conversation shifts to one that is about economic security and less about the classic Trump approach to trade. Almost all Southeast Asian nations, particularly those with industries like textiles, electronics, automobiles and agriculture, could be particularly vulnerable to new US tariffs. But countries like Vietnam may continue to benefit from trade diversion as companies with factories in China seek to diversify away from it to escape the hefty US import tariffs. Wendy Cutler, vice-president of the Asia Society Policy Institute and former acting deputy US trade representative, said Trump is unlikely to heed any advice on tariffs. Should Trump win, our trading partners need to prepare for tariff hikes, she said. While the timing, condition and level of increases remain unclear, there is no doubt that Trump remains the tariff man. But Dr Alicia Garcia Herrero, the Hong Kong-based chief economist for Asia-Pacific at French investment bank Natixis, said China may be able to dodge a bullet. Tariffs are a problem for China, but less than people think, because China will re-export through other places like Vietnam and Mexico to the US. Also, it will reroute its own capacity to what is today its largest export market, which is the European Union, she said. Trade has not been a priority issue for Harris, said Cutler, adding that the Vice-President would likely adopt Bidens worker-centric policy. The question that remains unanswered is to what extent Harris policies will depart from Bidens. These will all potentially benefit the region, where countries are embracing the digital economy and where several are rich in minerals. Southeast Asia, meanwhile, has been working to diversify its economy to reduce overall dependence on any single market, including the US. Malaysia no longer looks to the US or Western markets as the final destination of exports, said its Deputy Investment, Trade and Industry Minister, Liew. In 20 years, China and Southeast Asia will be the big consumers, not just export-led economies, he said. And with multinational companies seeking to mitigate risks associated with trade tensions by relocating their operations and diversifying their supply chains, Malaysia is in a favourable position to act as a strategic intermediary, whether Trump or Harris wins, he said. Malaysia must take this opportunity, whether it is a very short window, or longer window, to make itself an indispensable part of the supply chain, Liew said.

of a universal definition makes it a **phenomenon that is not easy to capture**. Meanwhile, even a brief thematic content analysis of both empirical research and conceptual discussions on the definition of terrorism reveals common themes across various definitions, offering valuable insights for developing a more holistic and proactive national defence policy. _Figure 1_ schematically illustrates the key elements common to various definitions of terrorism and shows how they are interrelated. Terrorism is widely concurred as the **deliberate and systematic** use or threat of violence designed to create an atmosphere of terror or fear to publicise a cause and compel political compliance. It is always a **pre-meditated** form of violence intended to incite panic by endangering the dual value of life both ones own life and the lives of others through acts such as hostage-taking, murder, injury, and the destruction of public property. Furthermore, terrorism is a vehicle of **psychological manipulation**, leveraging fear one of the most potent human emotions, which significantly affects cognition causing individuals to think less critically, act irrationally, and make impulsive decisions. It is driven by the unpredictability of indiscriminate violence, which triggers deep-seated feelings of insecurity and vulnerability. In other words, an act of terror is **seldom a random, isolated event**; rather, it is **bound to recur **frequently enough to evoke a strong fear response, even through a mere threat of violence. This notion supports the view of some scholars that the threat of violence alone can be classified as terrorism. As a policy implication, the premeditated and systematic nature of terrorism (as a phenomenon that gradually evolves over time and space) emphasises the need for a deeper understanding (through research) of both the broader pathways to terrorism, its stages and the specific factors driving each isolated act of terror, which can vary fluidly across incidents. This also underscores the paramount centrality of early detection systems. The term instrument implies the existence of a master who created and uses this tool, also the **primary subject** behind the action. Meanwhile, those who actually execute the act of terror (secondary subjects) themselves constitute the part of the instrument (_Figure 1_). In other words, theres a duality in the subjects of terrorism: the optical (visible on the surface) and the hidden (the grand mastermind). Often, **multiple layers of actors are involved**. To differentiate them, we must consider a wider context: the chain of events before and after the act, their causal links, possible motives, and importantly, the entities that emerge as the primary beneficiaries all suggesting a deliberate **strategy**. The same duality or multi-layer nature applies to the objects of terrorism. All of this aligns well with the **general** **systems theory**, which operates within a framework of nested complex systems (_Figure 2A_), where each system is influenced by **control exerted by higher-order system(s)**, often in ways that are obscure to lower levels. In the context of complex social systems, the full range of tools for exerting control is presented in _Figure 2B_, where terrorism can be attributed to **gene weaponry**. _Figure 2_ serves as a crucial input for designing effective early-detection intervention policies. Furthermore, in line with systems theory, every individual actor in an act of terror can simultaneously be both a subject and an object, either knowingly or unknowingly. According to the literature on the definition of terrorism, actors may include states (governments or opposition), political parties, sub- or supra-national governance structures, international organisations and even clandestine agents. This strongly suggests the concealed presence of a broader vision, mission, and strategy, and ultimately echoes the conceptualisation of terrorism as an instrument or tool, as discussed earlier. In the same vein, Chomsky (2002) broadens the concept of terrorism by incorporating religion and ideology. Ideology can powerfully define an in-group or out-group, encompassing religion, ethnicity, political views or other deeply held beliefs any levers that can then be skilfully manipulated to polarise a society in pursuit of self-serving goals. This is why, although terrorism can be classified as a form of gene weaponry (see _Figure 2B_ again), it is ultimately bred at a higher level of weaponry by **systematically shaping human consciousness through ideologies**, which takes a long time to develop but is difficult to reverse. This also intertwines terrorism with identity politics. Interestingly, many definitions of terrorism, whether explicitly or implicitly, include an element of fight related to its political aspect. This fight, particularly when conducted through violent means in line with Machiavellis notion that the end justifies the means, is **always directed towards securing generally resources** with the intent of unlawful expropriation. This has **heavy implications for public security policy**: resource-rich countries that fail to utilise their resources productively guided by data, science, and economics due to rampant corruption, clearly invite the threat of terrorism to their lands. Therefore, comprehensive national policies aimed at fostering national unity and combating corruption should supplement or even be integrated as strategic components within Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) frameworks. Another important takeaway from the comprehensive definition of terrorism is the dire need to cultivate conceptually powerful policymakers and a well-informed public who can easily discern the duality of subject and object in every act of terrorism. Therefore, discussing each topic in courses related to complex social systems, such as Public Relationships and International Issues, is **simply impossible out of thecontext of systems theory** briefly discussed above! Ultimately, some things may elude us not due to the weakness of our concepts, but because they fall beyond our conceptual grasp. It is the clarity and breadth of our understanding that enable us to pursue our own goals. Conversely, misunderstanding or ignorance can lead us to unknowingly become a mere instrument in the pursuit of someone else's goals. (**Dr Margarita Peredaryenko**_ and _**Avyce Heng**_ are part of the research team at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.)_

main enemy. Although the constitutional amendment itself was reported at the meeting, it was not made clear whether it extended to the issue of Korea and reunification. Kim Jong Un, who has been unveiling new policies in rapid succession, attaches importance to the creation of rules such as the rules of the ruling party, the Workers Party of Korea (WPK), constitutional amendments and the enactment of new laws. However, the full text of these policies is often not made public, so they must be verified through the tone of the North Korean media and other events. During the Supreme Peoples Assembly, Kim Jong Un gave a speech at the Kim Jong Un National Defence University, named after him. In response to a speech by South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol, Kim said, (President Yoon) made some tasteless and vulgar comment about the end of the Republic (North Korean regime). In the past we often used words like liberation of the southern half of the Peninsula and talked about armed reunification, but now we have no interest in it at all and since the declaration of two states we are not even aware of that country, he said. Given the timing of this speech, it was reasonable to assume that a constitutional amendment had been made regarding the policy toward Korea and reunification. If the Kim Jong Un government truly had no regard for Korea, it would be fine to ignore it, but because it is at a disadvantage in economic and military power, Seoul must always be wary of Korea as a threat. In mid-October, Kim Jong Uns sister, Kim Yo Jong, deputy director of the WPK, issued a series of statements harshly criticising President Yoon Suk Yeol. Since Kim Yo Jong is only a spokeswoman for Kim Jong Un, her statements were usually published on the second page of _Rodong Sinmun_, but this time they were published on the front page for the first time. The anti-Korean campaign by the party newspaper can be interpreted as a measure to ensure that the people understand that Korea is the main enemy. It is also a warning not to be exposed to the culture of the enemy country, such as K-Pop and Korean dramas. Previously, the preamble to the Constitution stated that Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il were saviours of the nation who performed immortal exploits for achieving the cause of national reunification and that regarding the reunification of the country as the supreme national task, they devoted all their efforts and care for its realisation. Article 9 also states that The Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea shall strive to [???] reunify the country on the principle of independence, peaceful reunification and great national unity. Subsequently, it was revealed through an indirect report in _Rodong Sinmun_ that the constitution designates South Korea as a hostile country, but Kim Jong Un also said in his January policy speech that legal measures must be taken to legally and precisely define the areas where the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea exercises its sovereignty. Moves to demarcate a border line with South Korea may also become apparent. If North Korea unilaterally defines its territorial waters, it is natural to be concerned about accidental North-South clashes at sea. From a broader perspective, however, North Korea is on the defensive. In the 1950s, North Korea started the Korean War in an attempt to unify North and South Korea by force. In the 1960s, it sent armed guerrillas to the South Korean presidential palace, the Blue House, to assassinate President Park Chung Hee. In the 1980s, it launched the bombing of Rangoon while President Chun Doo-hwan was visiting Burma. However, since the end of the Cold War, although it launched the Yeonpyeong bombing in 2010, it has not taken any military action targeting the heart of South Korea. With South Korea gaining economic power and improving its international reputation, and the US-South Korea alliance being maintained, North Koreas options are narrowing. The abandonment of the reunification of North and South Korea should also be seen as a self-preservation measure to avoid absorption reunification by South Korea. There have been other major political shifts within North Korea. The Juche (self-reliance philosophy) year has not been used since October 13. The Juche calendar, which began in 1912, the year of Kim Il Sungs birth, had been used for 27 years since the Kim Jong Il regime established it in 1997 to honour Kim Il-sungs achievements, but it was suddenly discontinued without warning. Kim Il Sungs birthday was called the Day of the Sun, but the name has not been used since this spring. Kim Jong Un has distanced himself not only from his father, but also from his grandfather. It would be good if this break with past leaders and policies would lead to peace and stability in Northeast Asia, but the conflict between North and South Korea tends to be entrenched. _(_**Atsuhito Isozaki**_ is Professor at Keio University, Japan.)_

gender equality agenda. ** Encourage working parents**: Providing up to RM3,000 in income tax relief for kindergarten or nursery fees. ** Tax incentives**: Employers hiring women returning to work and incurring employment expenses for a full year will be eligible for an additional 50 per cent tax deduction. **Empower women in SMEs**: Micro-financing schemes such as BR Plus i BizLady, Women Micro Scheme, MySMELady 2.0, and MARA Special Business Financing Scheme for Women, with a total allocation of RM 470 million. ** Female representation**: Targeting at least 30 per cent female representation at thedecision-making management level among the listed companies Notwithstanding the commendable efforts, a deeper approach must be implemented to address the underlying problems impeding the empowerment of socially marginalised women (rural, urban-poor, indigenous, etc.). For reference, economic violence involves controlling the financial resources of victims, for example, by limiting access to resources, prohibiting job opportunities, or misusing joint finances to establish reliance and diminish autonomy. Therefore, to address economic violence in families, Malaysia could introduce specific legal provisions under the Domestic Violence Act 1994 to **define, recognise and penalise** economic violence as a form of** punishable** Gender-based violence (GBV) offence. This provision should also include elements of access to justice and recovery, financial support, and protective orders for victims of financial abuse. Education plays a crucial role in transforming gender roles and combating economic violence against women. In Malaysia, addressing these issues requires **long-term strategies** that start in schools, educating both boys and girls on gender equity when it comes to such important elements as economic freedom and human development. Although girls achieve high levels of education, they still face barriers to entering the job market, highlighting the need for **gender-sensitive curricula** that challenge harmful stereotypes from an early age. Furthermore, to foster financial independence, the Ministry of Education (MoE) and the Ministry of Higher Education (MoHE) should promote **entrepreneurial skills and expand digital literacy programmes **among students**, **particularly high school, and university students. This approach would empower girls to leverage emerging opportunities in digital platforms and e-commerce earlier, while also addressing the challenges posed by unequal access to technology. Beyond harassment and discrimination in hiring, issues such as **unequal pay, limited opportunities for career advancements, andpromotions**, particularly in vulnerable employment sectors, persist. These measures will benefit both female and male employees by improving hiring processes, work-life balance, shared responsibility, equal access to benefits and promotions, and reducing gender role expectations. To further empower women and improve their performance quality and employability, it is essential to strengthen partnerships between public and private institutions on **re-entry programmes**. This includes digital skills training, job-matching services, and refresher courses, aimed at helping individuals reintegrate into the workforce after career breaks. For example, TalentCorp previously held career comeback workshops in collaboration with the business sector to reskill or upskill women in soft skills, technical abilities, and industry knowledge after a career break. Care-giving responsibilities often compel women to take career breaks, leading them into low-paying jobs or part-time jobs that lack social protection. While the Malaysian government has introduced Employee Provident Fund (EPF) contributions from spouses, this measure alone may not ensure women's long-term financial security, especially as women now have a longer life expectancy than men. A potential solution could involve **care-giver pension credits**, providing retirement savings for women on career breaks (e.g., 35 years) with restrictions on withdrawals until retirement. This would benefit **single mothers, women-headed households, and stay-at-home mothers**, ensuring financial security during non-working periods. Under its national pension system, Germany provides pension credits for caring for children and eldercare. Care-givers providing at least 10 hours of care per week for an older relative are eligible for pension credits. Although **raising the voluntary retirement age** may face resistance, it could be advantageous for women who take career breaks, provided they maintain updated skills relevant to the job market. Since women are more likely to engage in **informal and part-time work due tocareer breaks**, these measures can help close the financial gap and increase theirretirement savings, compared to men who generally have more stable career trajectories. **Rukun Tetangga**** as a model for social safety nets** As Rukun Tetangga is often associated with unity and national integration, **reviving it in residential areas,** particularly in rural and lower-income urban areas, is crucial. It plays an important role in empowering women from the B40 community, where poverty and cases of economic and other forms of GBV are more prevalent. Residential areas like **public housing flats and rural neighbourhoods** have an even more significant role to play in fostering community well-being and social cohesion. Community engagement like this creates a positive, supportive environment that begins to bridge social and economic gaps. Lastly, beyond education and policies targeting families and the private sector, **policy-makers must lead by example to foster gender equality**. Political parties in Malaysia have long voiced the importance of increasing womens representation in parliament, but the results tell a different story. Rather than progressing, the number of women in political leadership has declined over the years, raising the question:** What is holding us back?** It is not a matter of lacking qualified women. Capable women are already **working behind the scenes, handling much of the groundwork, yet leadership positions remain predominantly occupied by men**. The imbalance suggests not a shortage of talent but a systemic failure to promote and support these women into higher political roles. If political leaders genuinely seek change, women must be given equal visibility and decision-making power, not just in name but in practice. In conclusion, ending economic violence requires a multi-stakeholder effort involving the government, public-private partnerships, and families to create inclusive systems where women can achieve financial independence and thrive. Women empowerment aims **not just for equality with men, but for equity**, recognising the different needs and challenges of both genders in terms of well-being, finances, education, and so on. _(_**Jachintha Joyce**_ is a Research Assistant at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.)_

making long-term investments. However, how much would these foreign investments ultimately help Malaysians? More specifically, will data centre expansion create enough jobs for Malaysians to uplift their financial status? After all, job creation, especially in high-skilled job, is one of the most effective ways of improving our economy, which will also be immediately felt by ordinary people. Realistically speaking, data centres themselves do not create many new jobs due to the relatively remote nature of the work and increased automation resulting from technological advancements. However, the effect data centres have on job creation is not limited to the operation of the facilities alone. Therefore, Uptime Institute estimates that global data centre staff will grow from 2 million full-time employee equivalents (FTE) in 2019 to 2.3 million FTEs in 2025, with 140,000 of the new positions in the Asia-Pacific region. At the same time, Uptime Institute noted that some firms would make use of remote and automation technologies, as well as AI, to reduce the staffing needs (2021). Thus, the actual number of direct jobs created by data centres could be less than their estimation. While there is no telling how the ministry arrived at this number, it was likely estimated using data from the United States. According to reports, Googles data centres in the US have a 5.9 multiplier effect, indicating that for each direct job created, they have generated an average of 5.9 indirect jobs (The Star, 2024). Even though it was just an estimation, the amount of job creation can certainly be realised via various targeted strategies and incentives. While the manufacturing sector, together with construction sector, could also benefit from data centre boom, these benefits are relatively short-term. Moreover, occupations in these sectors are often filled by foreign workers, as they are more willing to take on difficult and menial tasks at lower salaries than locals. The focus should be placed on the indirect job creation that comes from sectors not involved in the construction of data centres for example, tech companies that utilise the services provided by these data centres. Data centres themselves are already an attractive point of interest to lure in some of the global tech giants. Together with our business-friendly policies, we should see a further increase in foreign tech companies setting up in Malaysia. With more tech companies trying to make use of these new tools, the demand for ICT-related technicians and engineering personnel could increase. This increase would occur alongside the need for workers to maintain our key infrastructures due to the massive rise in network traffic and energy consumption. Speaking of energy consumption, one massive and relatively unexplored opportunity regarding data centres which may seem counter-intuitive is their potential in fast-tracking our net-zero initiatives, and in turn, their potential to neutralise their own greenhouse gas (GhG) emissions. Data centres are extremely resource-intensive. They require an enormous amount of electricity and water to run consistently without hurdles. However, with the rate of global temperature increase exacerbating climate change, there is a need for every country on Earth, including us, to plan ahead by transitioning to renewable energy. Enticing firms operating data centres, or making it a legal requirement for them, to invest in the renewable energy and water conservation sectors will certainly accelerate our progress in solar power expansion and water conservation efforts. The environmental conservation efforts by these companies would require a significant increase in manpower and technological advancements in energy sector to be viable, which would, in turn, generate occupations in the STEM sector to be filled. The job creation capabilities of data centres (at least for indirect jobs) should never be in doubt. However, concerns over whether we can fill these positions are looming over our heads. Essentially, the issue revolves around our lack of quality and quantity in STEM students. This has been the bane of Malaysia for the past few years. Together with another bane of Malaysia, which is brain drain, we have lost too much of our potential high-skilled workforce. The governments recent focus on Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) could help mitigate the problem to a slight extent, as Uptime Institute (2021) has made clear that not all jobs in data centres require extremely high educational qualifications. However, TVET alone, in the long-term, is insufficient to supply the required workforce needed not only to run data centres but also to operate the businesses that would be utilising these data centres. This is the major hurdle that the government has to overcome by reforming our education system, ensuring that the industries surrounding data centres will not face worker shortages in the years to come. _(_**Chia Chu Hang**_ is a Research Assistant at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.)_

in fact quite serious, said Sanam Vakil, the director of the Middle East and North Africa program at the London-based think tank Chatham House. She said Iran is boxed in by military and economic constraints, and the uncertainty caused by the U.S. election and its impact on American policy in the region. A carefully worded statement from Irans military Saturday night appeared to offer some wiggle room for the Islamic Republic to back away from further escalation. It suggested that a cease-fire in the Gaza Strip and Lebanon was more important than any retaliation against Israel. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Irans ultimate decision-maker, was also measured in his first comments on the strike Sunday. He said the attack should not be exaggerated nor downplayed, and he stopped short of calling for an immediate military response. Saturdays strikes targeted Iranian air defence missile batteries and missile production facilities, according to the Israeli military. With that, Israel has exposed vulnerabilities in Irans air defences and can now more easily step up its attacks, analysts say. Current nuclear sites were not struck, however. Rafael Mariano Grossi, the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, confirmed that on X, saying Irans nuclear facilities have not been impacted. Any Iranian attempt to retaliate will have to contend with the fact that Hezbollah, its most important ally against Israel, has been significantly degraded and its conventional weapons systems have twice been largely repelled, said Ali Vaez, the Iran project director at the International Crisis Group, who expects Iran to hold its fire for now. Thats true even if Israel held back, as appears to be the case. Some prominent figures in Israel, such as opposition leader Yair Lapid, are already saying the attacks didnt go far enough. Regional experts suggested that Israels relatively limited target list was intentionally calibrated to make it easier for Iran to back away from escalation. As Yoel Guzansky, who formerly worked for Israels National Security Council and is now a researcher at the Tel Aviv-based Institute for National Security Studies, put it: Israels decision to focus on purely military targets allows Iran to save face. Israels target choices may also be a reflection at least in part of its capabilities. It is unlikely able to destroy Irans nuclear facilities on its own and would require help from the United States, Guzansky said. Besides, Israel still has leverage to go after higher-value targets should Iran retaliate particularly now that nodes in its air defences have been destroyed. You preserve for yourself all kinds of contingency plans, Guzansky said. If it retaliates, it risks an escalation in which its weakness means it loses more, he wrote. If it does not retaliate, it projects a signal of weakness. Vakil agreed that Irans response was likely to be muted and that the strikes were designed to minimise the potential for escalation. Israel has yet again shown its military precision and capabilities are far superior to that of Iran, she said. One thing is certain: The Mideast is in uncharted territory. For decades, leaders and strategists in the region have speculated about whether and how Israel might one day openly strike Iran, just as they wondered what direct attacks by Iran, rather than by its proxy militant groups, would look like. Today, its a reality. Yet the playbook on either side isnt clear, and may still be being written. There appears to be a major mismatch both in terms of the sword each side wields and the shield it can deploy, Vaez said. While both sides have calibrated and calculated how quickly they climb the escalation ladder, they are in an entirely new territory now, where the new red lines are nebulous and the old ones have turned pink, he said.

skin colour like his, and blood like his own are deemed trustworthy enough to be loyal to the nation. Many have deemed his statement by way of expression of eyes, skin and blood as being racist. In this article I will show Razman that he lacks lessons of Malayas history, China history, and even the values of Islam from the Prophet himself. With respect to a statement in social media, Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man has proudly proclaimed that the number of PAS supporters from non-Muslims has reached 62,000. That is certainly impressive if it were true. The leader of this group of members is N. Balasubramaniam. Now, my question to Razman is, if only the people who are the same as you in eyes, skin and blood can be counted as loyal to Malaysia, what about your 62,000 non-Muslim supporters? Are they not included in your loyalty call? Secondly, Razman should learn a bit of China history. The Chinese from China were earlier in receiving the Companion of the Prophet Muhammad, Saad Ibn Abi Waqas in 618 CE in the Chinese mainland, where the Huaisheng Mosque was established in 627 CE and has become one of the earliest mosques in the world. The _mata sepet_ people were Muslims way before orang Melayu, Razman! Thirdly, in Malaysia, one of the oldest mosques built in the 18th century was Kampung Hulu Mosque in Melaka. This beautiful mosque was said to have been donated and built by a Chinese Muslim from Mainland China and grew to be a successful merchant. His name was Datuk Haji Shamsuddin. There is no place in Malaysia for the likes of Razman or any political party which evaluates by race, eyes and blood. Datuk Shamsuddins eyes were definitely not like Razmans; his skin colour was obviously different from Razmans, and I guess his blood was not the same as Razman in ancestry. But this Datuk Shamsuddin had contributed greatly to Islam, Muslims and the people of Melaka. Fourthly, I recommend that Razman read the excellent book by Professor Dr. Kharuddin Aljuneid entitled Islam in Malaysia: An Entwined History. In that book, on page 99, I quote: _In the seventh year of the Yung Lo (period) (the cyclic year) chi chou, the Emperor ordered the principal envoy the grand eunuch Cheng Ho and others to assume command (of the treasure ships), and to take the imperial edicts and to bestow this chief two silver seals, a hat, a girdle and a robe. (Cheng Ho) set up a stone tablet and raised (the place) to a city: and it was subsequently called the country of Man-la Chia (Melaka). Thereafter Hsien lo (Siam) did not dare to invade it._ Razman should know from our history and that of China too; it was people of different skin colour who defended and protected our Malay skin-coloured Muslims from being engulfed by Siam which would probably have destroyed any trace of Islam. Finally, I would like to quote the Prophet Muhammads farewell sermon when he said the following words: There is no superiority of an Arab over a non-Arab, or of a non-Arab over an Arab, and no superiority of a WHITE person over that of the BLACK person or that of the BLACK person over that of the WHITE person, except on the basis of personal piety and righteousness. Razman should do well to remember these words of the Prophet Muhammad before he spouts his venom on skin colour. Will PAS remind him or people like me should kindly ask him to refrain from thinking he and the likes of his race is better simply because he and the likes of him are from one particular race? Here in Malaysia, we do not discriminate among ourselves, and as a Muslim, I do not believe that the tenets of our religion asks us to do what you, Razman, have asked your supporters to do. There is no place in Malaysia for the likes of Razman or any political party which evaluates by race, eyes and blood. We judge goodness in all people by good deeds, good intentions and above all strong humility. Do PAS and Razman pass this simple test of nationhood? I wonder. I, therefore, call on PAS non-Muslim supporters to censure Razman and question the partys top leadership on their silence. __(__**Prof Dr. Mohd Tajuddin Mohd Rasdi**__is Professor of Architecture at a local university and his writing reflects his own personal opinion entirely.)__

about the highly emotional nature of this political geography. One still pockmarked by settle colonialism, apartheid and uneven distribution of resources across the lay of the land; some of which have been bombed, literally, into a moonscape. A year one of the most difficult ones in the Middle East and Iran has seemed like perpetuity. With no end to the multiple armed conflicts in Israel, Gaza, West Bank, Lebanon, even occasionally parts of Iraq and Syria, ending, the future looks dire, both for the Global South and Global North. Any deeper animosity between Israel and Iran could lead what is now a regional conflagration into a potential nuclear war. Why? With Israel poised to strike Iran, at any given time a war whose chosen targets, especially the oil production and nuclear programs in Iran will deeply affect Teheran's collective responses the Middle East, indeed, North Africa, Eurasia and parts of Eastern Europe, are watching with bated breath. Will the conventional and nuclear sword of Damocles be dropping any time soon? However, as all eyes revolve these critical regions, that also straddle on some of the most strategic sea lanes in the world, not least the Suez Canal, Bosphorus, the Marmara Sea, the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, it is important to understand there are countries in the Muslim world that continue to retain a rational mindset of how the mess in these regions should be handled. One of the most important data, to demonstrate the soundness of the strategic calculation of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, who just attended the inauguration of President Prabowo Subianto of Indonesia, is the nomination and confirmation of Professor Osman Bakar as the 7th Rector of the International Islamic University of Malaysia (IIUM) on September 18 2024. Once again why? A slight foray into history is key. The IIUM was founded in 1983. Following a treaty between the government of Malaysia and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC). Indeed, for the governments of Maldives, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Turkey, Libya, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. To be sure, to become co-sponsors of IIUM. IIUM has passed through the leadership of various rectors, all of whom were moderates. But the one rector who proved most influential was the tenure of the late Abuhamid AbuSulayman. It was the strength of the latter, in the field of Islamic International Relations (IIR) that opened the way for IIUM to be the seat of scholarship and pacific activism. The late Professor Abdulhamid AbuSulayman, who completed his PhD thesis at the University of Pennsylvania in the field of IIR, has always argued that the Islamic world is capable of functioning side-by-side with the Westphalian international order. The classical distinction between Darul al Salam, the zone of peace and Darul al Harb, the zone of war, is not a frozen conflict between the Islamic world and the West. For that matter, any emerging non-Islamic order, such as East Asia, especially the Confucian civilisation that is, at a minimal, comprised of China, Japan, South Korea, not least Vietnam, and the overseas diaspora of these countries; including those in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand. Be that as it may, important as IIR is to IIUM, there are several crucial reasons why Anwar has made the right choice on Professor Osman Bakar as the new Rector. It is important to reflect on Anwar's deliberation to understand how IIUM, ASEAN Chairmanship and IIR can each strengthen Anwar's hand through Professor Osman Bakar. Key among which is to comprehend how Professor Osman Bakar, with a direct access to Anwar, will try to lead the IIUM in the next two years, potentially, more. First and foremost, while Professor Osman Bakar may have inherited an institution that is in need of much physical facelift, due to years of unfortunate neglect, as each of the rector after Professor Abuhamid AbuSulayman, could not a firm grip on a secure access to PMO, Professor Osman Bakar is different. Professor Osman Bakar has the confidence of Anwar the 10th PM of Malaysia, to allow Islamic disciplines for the lack of a proper word to blossom side-by-side, with Western and Eastern knowledge paradigms. But due to the constant turbulence in the Islamic world, much of the burden of financing IIUM has rested in Malaysia. Invariably, Professor Osman Bakar is tasked with the job to carry out most of the reforms in the IIUM. Some of the heaviest duties have rested in the hands of Professor Osma Bakar to keep the IIUM resilient and sturdy. With the assurance given by Anwar to commence his tenure as soon possible. If anything, to assure Professor Osman, that the latter will receive all the financial help IIUM can get. Invariably, to place the institution, which has spawned subjects as deep as medical sciences to social studies and Islamic theology, as the seat of Islamic restoration. Indeed, to restore IIUM back to its lofty goals as a centre of excellence that can recruit and train international scholars of high repute. That would in turn trigger what Anwar called an Asian Renaissance. Anwar has after all appreciated the scholarship of Osman Bakar in the field of the History of Science, Islamic Philosophy, Civilisational Studies and Epistemology; all of which are critical to the much needed inter faith and cultural initiatives to ameliorate the disastrous conflicts that have been sprouting up from the underbelly of the West, not excluding the Islamic world. This enmity had given rise to the regularity of their clashes since the day of the Crusades in 1093 A.D. as launched by Pope Urban II well up to the contemporary period. Ostensibly, this phenomenon has also morphed into a serious structural mis-reading of Islam and the West. Most, if not all of the conflicts, in ancient and modern history, were based on a mutual quest for imperial preponderance. In the case of Islam, not because it was necessarily expansionist and imperialist, rather Islam has merely wanted to make its presence felt in the ramparts of the Roman and the Persian empires as the two civilisations rose to their heights only to gradually decline from inner focus on a luxurious lifestyle among the small elites at the top. Islam appeared in the early part of the early 7th century A.D. to make an onslaught against the Roman and Persian empires, that were already locked in conflicts anyway. Yet Islam was not an ecumenical religion. Nor was that can use force to convert others to its belief system. As the Quranic dictum affirms, One shall not use force in the matter of faith. In other words, Islam is premised on the voluntary embrace of the creed of one God and Prophet Muhammad as the final messenger that comes from a long line of Prophets that locate their moral authority of the same but beginning with Adam and Eve too. In and of itself, to the degree Islamic troops were able to conquer the Babylonian Empire in 1493, for example, what is now Istanbul, the Ottoman Empire sought to emulate some of the best practices of the Roman Empire indeed to rectify the shortcomings of the past. For example, if the Roman Empire, especially from the republican period, 10 AD to 400 AD onwards, was always involved in multiple waves of war, to exhaust its opponents, Islamic strategy did not launch such wars time and again to obtain eventual victory. Rather, the strategy was shaped by allegiance to pay the necessary poll tax for Islamic troops to provide the necessary security. Hence, while a typical Roman way of war was to keep sending wave after wave of Roman legions, some of whom were population absorbed by the Roman emperor, by granting them citizenship, only to induce them into accepting the cause of going to repeated war against the likes of non-Romans, Islamic strategy did not repeat this. In choosing Osman Bakar as the Chair of Al Ghazali in Comparative Civilisations and Epistemology in the Islamic Thought and Civilisation (ISTAC) at IIUM, to be the 7th Rector, Anwar wanted Professor Osman Bakar to continue what he was doing. Understand and explain Islam's contact and connections with multiple civilisations. Indeed, to strategically deploy the Chair and eminent scholarship of Professor Osman Bakar to help make Islam in Southeast Asia, the moderate face of Islam. Potentially, to make it more visible to an America that identifies Islam with the Middle East as a region always on fire; when it should be an oasis of peace for teeming humanity. Indeed, as events would have it, Professor Osman Bakar was also a Professor at Georgetown University, with the Centre in Christian and Muslim Understanding, when 911 occurred in 2001. Hence, Professor Osman Bakar was as he is still totally conscious of the need to clear away any suspicion that the Islamic world and the West were constantly at loggerheads. Secondly, it has been compellingly shown by Classicists and theologies, that the period in the 12th to the 14th century A.D., during the Translation Movement of the Abbasid Period was marked by the confluence of ideas between the likes of St Thomas Aquinas, Avicenna, Averroes, Al Khawarizmi, father of the invention on Algebra and Algorithm, that has pulsated the Western civilisation forward, as their scientists and physicists have had to latch onto these breakthroughs during the heydays of the Islamic world, especially in Andalusia, to be on par with the latter. The scholarship of the late Albert Hourani has been nothing but impressive. Professor Osman Bakar has been chosen by Anwar to lead IIUM at a critical juncture of what Anwar has called the post-normal time. This is a period where everything seems to be entangled and enmeshed in perpetual chaos. Third, Professor Osman Bakar, has remained one the world's most precocious minds on the study of Islam and Confucianism; not mentioning other religions, too. The works of Ibn Arabi, Confucius, Aristotle, Plato, Moses Maimonedes, Ibn Khaldun, Hamzah Fans

struggled with its implementation but eventually **pivoted away**, like Rwanda. This case also **exemplifies** well the need for national policies to adopt the Input-Output-Outcome-Impact (IOOI) approach that ER consistently advocates. Policymakers **must demonstrate, using science and data**, the expect outcomes and impacts based on committed inputs and outputs. A **robust empirical link** **must exist** between inputs-outputs (resources/efforts committed) and outcomes-impacts for the nation _(Figure 1)_. While Rwanda's 4G SWN experiment offers a fairer comparison, it's essential to recognise delinking network ownership from service delivery an inherent issue in SWNs will have an even more pronounced negative impact for 5G than for 4G. This is because 5G requires **much closer coordination** between the network and end service users. The Rwandas SWN deal, signed in 2013, involved the government providing an extensive dark fibre network, a national data centre, and spectrum as **inputs**. As **outputs**, the government granted 25-year spectrum exclusivity for 4G to Korean Telecom (KT), which established the national 4G SWN, eventually known as KT Rwanda Networks (KtRN). The expected **outcomes** were rapid coverage expansion, swift mobile boadband (MBB) adoption, lower prices, and improved service quality. However, had these outcomes been achieved, Rwanda would have seen long term **impacts** like increased FDIs, greater digitalisation of its economy, job creation, and overall economic growth, as suggested by data, science and economic principles. Coverage targets faced slight delays, 4G adoption stagnated mainly due to high prices, and there was a lack of competition in quality of service (QoS) as individual MNOs lost control over the network. Additionally, there were reportedly no new entries of Mobile Virtual Network Operators (MVNOs), contrary to initial expectations. This disparity is particularly concerning, given the surge in mobile internet adoption elsewhere during the pandemic, which helped reduce isolation and manage the crisis. One can only sympathize with Rwandans when considering the potential social welfare losses that extend beyond the dry statistics. This was just prior to Rwanda implemented drastic policy changes to revitalise its telecom industry. Notably, in Rwandas case, a foreign company (not government-owned or government-linked) has incurred substantial losses, thereby limiting direct exposure for Rwandan taxpayers. Relatedly, Rwandas FDIs have been dwindling since late 2014. Although this trend isnt exclusively linked to the Rwandan 4G SWN saga, it coincides with its inception. After all, investors, being tech-savvy and well-informed, are **keenly aware of the anticipated outcomes and impacts **from such developments, **based on data, science and economics**. Fortunately for Rwandans, policy-makers acted decisively. On October 18, 2022, they ended the 4G monopoly by reinstating spectrum neutrality, alongside other policies like Connect Rwanda 2.0 aimed at bolstering mobile internet adoption. By end-July 2023, Rwandan MNOs had launched their own 4G LTE networks, offering high-speed internet at existing 3G prices a clear liberation for 4G adoption, best illustrated by _Figure 2_. However, by January 2024, the share jumped to remarkable 86.6 per cent, indicating **sudden, substantial and rapid rise in mobile broadband usage**. Coincidence or not, **FDI inflows into Rwanda **_(Figure 3)_** surged by 63.5 per cent in the first half of 2024**. These changes are part of **broader business- and innovation-friendly reforms based on data, science, and economics**, which the Rwandan government is currently championing while, importantly, also making significant strides in **fighting corruption**, to which IOOI approach is the best antidot. Rwanda is expertly capitalising on global economic uncertainty, especially regarding the USD and other toxic Western assets, by implementing policy changes that boost investor confidence in the country. Time will tell whether these key policy shifts by Rwanda will yield broader impacts. However, noticeable improvements, are already evidenced in its GII 2023 and 2024 scores. Interestingly, recent GII reports show **Rwanda's GitHub commits have simply soared to an outlier level** _(Figure 4)_. Although not a traditional economic indicator, GitHub activity can act as a useful proxy for gauging a countrys Industry 4.0, digital economy and innovation. This metric can indirectly indicate economic activity, especially in the tech sector. It reflects a thriving software development community, signalling innovation and new product development in industries reliant on software, automation, or digital services (FinTech, AI etc.). Frequent GitHub activity also hints at the skill and productivity of the tech workforce. However, perplexingly, as one nationwide SWN fails, another is being established, now in Ghana. Apparently, despite mounting evidence against this models viability, any nation not adopting the IOOI approach risks ending up with its own SWN, whether literally or metaphorically (i.e., policies that make no sense). A monopoly-like structure unavoidably restricts competition and reduces incentives to improve service quality or lower costs to consumers. SWN reduces MNOs ability to differentiate their services or drive innovation. Without competitive pricing and investment incentives, that are impossible under SWN, the benefits of a technology rollout might not fully reach the population. As a results, Rwanda **wisely** made a **quick U-turn** to a more agile, flexible and collaborative rollout model that has been proven empirically to promote competition, private sector investment (including in underserved areas), and encourage growth in the quality and availability of mobile networks! As a progressive country, Malaysia too cannot rely on mid-late 2010s solutions, which have already proven ineffective. We must accelerate our efforts to align with modern global techno-social trends, particularly at this opportune moment when global investors need to see us as credible policy-makers. (**Dr Rais Hussin**_ is the Founder of EMIR Research, a think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.)_

measure in Budget 2025 is the increase in the minimum wage to RM1,700 per month, set to take effect from February 2025. While this is a welcome relief for many Malaysians struggling with the cost of living, the policy presents challenges for small and micro SMEs which often operate on very thin profit margins. Recognising this, the government has allowed a six-month deferment for micro businesses with fewer than five employees, but some businesses may still find the wage increase a strain. Ensuring that small businesses can navigate these changes successfully will require further support such as productivity-enhancing initiatives and skill development programs that help these enterprises remain competitive and sustainable. The allocation of RM43 billion to healthcare signals the governments intent to improve Malaysians health outcomes, recognising that healthcare is crucial to both individual well-being and economic productivity. Expanded tax relief on medical expenses, increased support for families with dependents who have learning disabilities, and funding for critical illness treatments show a holistic approach. However, as healthcare costs rise, ensuring that these allocations are both impactful and sustainable will be a key challenge. Another encouraging aspect of the budget is the RM650 million allocated for women entrepreneurs and for supporting women re-entering the workforce. This funding aims to create more opportunities for women in the economy, a crucial step in unlocking Malaysias full economic potential. Yet, for these efforts to have a lasting effect, barriers such as access to affordable childcare and equal career advancement opportunities must also be addressed. Education, with RM58 billion in allocated funds, remains a cornerstone of Malaysias long-term growth strategy. The budget emphasises technical and vocational education and training (TVET), aligning with the nations goal of developing a workforce skilled in digital technology, engineering, and other growth sectors. Additionally, continued tax relief for early childhood education reflects an understanding of the foundational role of early learning. Yet, the success of these initiatives depends on how well Malaysias education system aligns with evolving industry demands, ensuring that graduates are equipped for a competitive job market Housing affordability remains high on the agenda, with tax relief reintroduced on housing loan interest for homes under RM500,000 and additional relief for properties up to RM750,000. These measures are meant to help young Malaysians achieve home ownership and build wealth over time. However, to fully address housing affordability, it will be essential to tackle supply constraints and rising land prices, especially in urban areas, where demand remains high. The governments rationalisation of fuel subsidies, targeting support toward the bottom 85 per cent of income earners while excluding non-citizens, reflects an effort to make subsidy distribution fairer while managing public finances. However, there are concerns about how this will affect households already coping with rising costs, especially if fuel prices increase. Careful monitoring and adjustment will be needed to prevent any unintended hardships for lower-income Malaysians. Direct cash assistance through programs such as Sumbangan Tunai Rahmah (STR) and Sumbangan Asas Rahmah (SARA), totalling RM13 billion, offer immediate financial support to low-income households. These initiatives can help Malaysians manage economic uncertainties, though questions remain about whether cash assistance alone can address long-term economic disparities. Linking financial aid with skills training and employment support could empower recipients to achieve financial independence over time. Budget 2025 reflects an optimistic vision for Malaysias future, balancing immediate needs with the groundwork for sustained growth. While the selected measures discussed here demonstrate the governments intent to create a resilient and inclusive economy, the success of these initiatives will depend on effective implementation and adaptability as our economic landscape evolves. Structural issues in areas such as healthcare, education, housing, and workforce inclusion must be continuously addressed. As Malaysia moves forward, a balance between immediate relief and long-term growth strategies will be crucial for building a Malaysia that works for all. _(_**Goh Lim Thye**_, Department of Economics, Universiti Malaya.)_

entitlement which operates among people of a privileged background, especially among former senior political party members. On 16 October, the controversial appointment of the convicted felon, Najib Abdul Razaks daughter on to the board of the Malaysia External Trade Development Corporation (Matrade) set tongues wagging. The announcement was made by Matrade Chairman Reezal Merican Naina Merican, who congratulated Nooryana Najwa Najib on her appointment and said she had taken an anti-corruption oath alongside two other newly appointed board members. He probably did not realise the irony of his remark. Perhaps, as former PM, Dr Mahathir Mohamad once said, _Melayu mudah lupa_. As Reezal knows, Najib is the worlds worst kleptocrat. His corruption mantras Cash is king and You help me, Ill help you set a bad example to ordinary Malaysians, especially its youth. Najib lied to the Cabinet claiming that the billions of ringgits he pilfered was a donation from an Arab prince. He treated the rakyats money as his own. He almost bankrupted Malaysia and forced the country to its knees. Having completed her first degree, Nooryana interned at the global equity firm TPG for 11 months before working as an analyst at TPG Hong Kong. As was later revealed, her internship had been secured by the disgraced former Goldman Sachs banker, Tim Leissner, who helped Najib siphon off billions of ringgits in the 1MDB scandal. As Nooryana herself admitted, her training at TPG included preparing PowerPoint presentations, photocopying and making coffee. She then worked in investor relations with TPG Hong Kong for over a year until August 2014, when she left to further her studies. When her father was the Minister of Finance, she became a management associate for eight months at the Finance Ministry start-up incubator Cradle Fund before she left for her MBA at Wharton. Malaysians accused Reezal of nepotism when he announced Nooryanas appointment, and said that there were more deserving and experienced Malaysians for the role. Why hand over important posts to children of politicians? Moreover, the financial baggage of Nooryanas father, her mother, her brother and herself, made her appointment very concerning. Why should these positions be given to the privileged and wealthy? Matrade is a government agency that showcases the best of Malaysian companies to the world. What sort of message was Reezal giving the world with the controversial appointment? What sort of messages were both local and overseas companies receiving? On her wedding day, a few million ringgits worth of flowers were specially flown in to deck her wedding dais. Her profligacy is an abomination to many struggling Malaysians and businessmen who struggle to keep their companies afloat in the current economic climate. Also on the personal front, the income tax department (LHDN) claimed that Nooryana had failed to pay her income tax of over RM10.3 million from 2011 to 2017. Anyone who owes the LHDN money is hounded, and barred from overseas travel. So, what arrangement transpired between the LHDN and her, that she was let off the hook with the tax arrears? Would LHDN be as accommodating and understanding with ordinary members of the rakyat who owe lesser amounts of tax? Like her father, Nooryana failed to acknowledge Najibs role in 1MDB. She denied he stole taxpayers money. She was disappointed he was not pardoned. She claimed that he did not receive a fair trial. How could she be a director of Matrade when she refuses to accept that her father is corrupt? People wonder about Harapan and their election promise of ending nepotism and cronyism but promoting meritocracy? What happened to the efforts to end non-political appointments for GLCs, government agencies and statutory bodies? Although Nooryana is not a politician, her father is the worlds worst kleptocrat who almost bankrupted the country and tarnished our reputation on the world stage. For many onlookers, Umno-Baru appears to be on the rise again and wonder if Nooryanas appointment signals the partys return. Umno-Baru is continuing its core tradition of cronyism and nepotism. The poor have to do menial jobs or do Grab for a living. Children of politicians continue their high-profile lifestyles with government posts. Was Nooryanas appointment discussed in parliament? Did the DAP, the party which many ordinary Malaysians relied on to fight for the rights of the common people, object to this controversial appointment? Is Najib still wielding power from his vantage point in Kajang Prison? Was this part of the terms of his settlement for having a reduced fine and jail sentence for his crimes? Perhaps Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim is beholden to Umno-Baru, the party synonymous with corruption which also knows that without it, Anwar cannot form a government. So, is this for Anwar a small price to pay for being in power? Perhaps Matrade should try and answer one question from the rakyat: On what basis was Nooryanas appointment as a Matrade director justified?

major travesty. We have been waiting for 14 long years for this Bill to be tabled. Not 1 year, or 5 or even 10 years, but 14 years. Our child protection services are weak and our welfare services lack professionalism. It is critical that we pass this Bill as soon as possible to enable our social services to be upgraded to a professional level, one that is being looked after and run by trained social workers. We have enough, continuous examples of failure in our child protection services. Besides child protection work, social workers play a crucial role in addressing issues faced by older persons, people with disabilities, youth problems, and minority and marginalised communities. Both UNICEF and MASW (Malaysian Association of Social Workers) have advocated strongly for the urgent tabling of the Social Work Profession Bill. Robert Gass, UNICEF Representative in Malaysia said in 2023 that: _Social workers hold the edges of society together. Social workers protect and prevent children and their families from experiencing violence, promote social justice, reduce the effects of discrimination, address inequality, and contribute to the eradication of poverty. Social workers help ensure that no one is left behind._ We appear able to draft and pass other bills with urgency but not a bill that is crucial to the wellbeing of the children of this nation that we love. We are currently the backward ASEAN nation in terms of legislation for many areas like social work, disability rights and child rights. Prime Minister, you may not be aware that our neighbours have passed legislation related to social work a long, long time ago. A few examples: In 1965 the Philippines passed An Act to Regulate the Practice of Social Work and the Operation of Social Work Agencies in the Philippines and for Other Purposes. In 2013 Thailand enacted the Social Work Profession Act to professionalise the social work profession. In 2019 the Republic of Indonesia passed the Law of Social Workers. Singapore regulates social work via the 2009 Accreditation System for Social Workers and Social Service Practitioners jointly managed by the Ministry of Social and Family Development, National Council of Social Service, and Singapore Association of Social Workers to ensure professional accreditation and standards in social work. We appeal to you to correct this failure and ensure that a meaningful Social Work Profession Bill is passed as soon as possible, even if it requires a special sitting of parliament. All our advocacy to improve social services for our children seem to have been ignored. We look to you to act not just as a prime minister but also as a father and grandfather.

John Maynard Keynes, among other liberals. Historians and anthropologists are very aware of various claims and rights to economic assets, such as cultivable land, e.g., usufruct. Even property rights are far more varied and complex. The legal creation of intellectual property rights confers monopoly rights by denying other claims. However, NIEs Anglo-American notion of property rights ignores the history of ideas, sociology of knowledge, and economic history. More subtle understandings of property, imperialism and globalisation in history are conflated. AJR barely differentiates among various types of capital accumulation via trade, credit, resource extraction and various modes of production, including slavery, serfdom, peonage, indenture and wage labour. Colonial and postcolonial subjects remain passive, incapable of making their own histories. Post-colonial states are treated similarly and regarded as incapable of successfully deploying investment, technology, industrial and developmental policies. Thorstein Veblen and Karl Polanyi, among others, have long debated institutions in political economy. But instead of advancing institutional economics, NIEs methodological opportunism and simplifications set it back. For AJR, property rights generated and distributed wealth in Anglo-settler colonies, including the US and Britains dominions. Their advantage was allegedly due to inclusive economic and political institutions due to Anglo property rights. Variations in economic performance are attributed to successful transplantation and settler political domination of colonies. More land was available in the thinly populated temperate zone, especially after indigenous populations shrank due to genocide, ethnic cleansing and displacement. These were far less densely populated for millennia due to poorer carrying capacity. Land abundance enabled widespread ownership, deemed necessary for economic and political inclusion. Thus, Anglo-settler colonies succeeded in instituting such property rights in land-abundant temperate environments. Such colonial settlement was far less feasible in the tropics, which had long supported much denser indigenous populations. Tropical disease also deterred new settlers from temperate areas. Thus, settler life expectancy became both cause and effect of institutional transplantation. White settlers lower life expectancy and higher morbidity in the tropics are then blamed on the inability to establish good institutions. However, correct interpretation of statistical findings is crucial. The greater success of Anglo settlers could also be due to colonial ethnic bias in their favour rather than better institutions. Reddy notes that international economic circumstances favouring Anglos have shaped growth and development. British Imperial Preference favoured such settlers over tropical colonies subjected to extractivist exploitation. Settler colonies also received most British investments abroad. For Reddy, enforcing Anglo-American private property rights has been neither necessary nor sufficient to sustain economic growth. For instance, East Asian economies have pragmatically used alternative institutional arrangements to incentivise catching up. He notes that the authors inverted approach to concepts has confused the property rights-entrenching economies that they favour as inclusive, by way of contrast to resource-centred extractive economies. AJRs claim that property rights ensure an inclusive economy is also far from self-evident. Reddy notes that a Rawlsian property-owning democracy with widespread ownership contrasts sharply with a plutocratic oligarchy. Nor does AJR persuasively explain how property rights ensured political inclusion. Protected by the law, colonial settlers often violently defended their acquired land against hostile indigenes, denying indigenous land rights and claiming their property. Inclusive political concessions in the British Empire were mainly limited to the settler-colonial dominions. In other colonies, self-governance and popular franchises were only grudgingly conceded under pressure. Prior exclusion of indigenous rights and claims enabled such inclusion, especially when surviving natives were no longer deemed threatening. Traditional autochthonous rights were circumscribed, if not eliminated, by settler colonists. Entrenching property rights has also consolidated injustice and inefficiency. Many such rights proponents oppose democracy and other inclusive and participatory political institutions that have often helped mitigate conflicts. The Nobel committee is supporting NIEs legitimisation of property/wealth inequality and unequal development. Rewarding AJR also seeks to re-legitimise the neoliberal project at a time when it is being rejected more widely than ever before. _(_**Jomo Kwame Sundaram**_was an economics professor and United Nations Assistant Secretary-General for Economic Development.)_

that there had been none for the last one month. Malaysia has been facing a significant shortage of locally produced rice, _beras tempatan_, our countrys staple food. This shortage has worsened over the past months, with supermarkets and sundry shops reporting an absence of local rice, forcing consumers to purchase more expensive imported rice. The price disparity is alarming a 10 kg bag of imported rice costs approximately RM38, while local rice, when available, costs RM28 for the same quantity. This RM10 difference may seem small to some, but for the B40 (bottom 40 per cent income group), it is a substantial financial burden that exacerbates their already precarious economic situation. This crisis raises critical questions about the role of rice producers and supplie

sustainable Southeast Asia. These summits are a testament to the importance of dialogue and diplomacy, and are an integral part of ASEANs journey toward deeper integration, enabling a unified regional response to global shifts. High on agenda of the summits was the progress made on the work in crafting the ASEAN Community Vision 2045 and its strategic plans, which will guide the region for years to come. As ASEAN approaches the completion of the Community Vision 2025, it has commenced charting its future direction for the next two decades, emphasising resilience, connectivity, inclusivity, and sustainability in response to emerging geopolitical and geo-economic challenges and strategic opportunities. It is in this context that the ASEAN Leaders Declaration on the Development of Strategic Plans to Implement the ASEAN Community Vision 2045 was adopted. ASEAN centrality stood at the heart of the summits outcomes. Through the ASEAN Leaders Declaration on the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific for the Future Ready ASEAN and ASEAN-Centred Regional Architecture, leaders reaffirmed ASEANs role as the driving force in shaping the regional architecture. They stressed the need for unity in navigating shifting geopolitical and economic landscapes. In engagements with ASEANs partners, leaders underscored the importance of multilateralism, international law, and advocated for dialogue, diplomacy and strategic trust to address global challenges, including developments in the South China Sea, the Korean Peninsula, Ukraine, and the Middle East, advocating for peaceful resolution. On Myanmar, they deeply explored how best to move forward along a Myanmar-owned and Myanmar-led process in dealing with the situation, emphasising that Myanmar remains a member of the ASEAN family. Myanmars sending of a non-political representative to the summit is seen as an indication of Myanmar complying with the Five Point Consensus, ASEANs main reference in addressing the political situation in Myanmar. Economic integration and connectivity were also paramount on the agenda. Leaders recognised that deepening integration is crucial for ASEANs global competitiveness. Alongside the implementation of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, the worlds largest FTA, the summits also saw the substantial conclusion of the ASEAN-China FTA upgrade negotiation, while the ongoing modernisation of the ASEAN Trade in Goods Agreement, the FTA negotiations with Canada, and the review of our FTA with India are instrumental in fortifying the regions trade network and supply chain resilience. The adoption of the Declaration on Supply Chain Efficiency and Resilience reinforces these efforts, strengthening regional connectivity, accelerating recovery, and fostering sustainable growth. Digitalisation and sustainability were other central themes shaping the summits agenda. ASEAN is advancing its digital transformation with initiatives like the ASEAN Digital Master Plan 2025 and the current negotiations for the ASEAN Digital Economy Framework Agreement, which could double the regions digital economy to $2 trillion by 2030. Sustainability was equally prioritised, as leaders reinforced the need for growth aligned with environmental stewardship. The summits also highlighted critical areas for enhancing resilience in the region, such as health architecture, labor migration, and the protection of women and children. Leaders adopted declarations to strengthen biosafety and biosecurity and coordination during public health emergencies. Other important declarations adopted focused on advancing the care economy, preventing child labourincluding elimination of its worst formsand enhancing the skills, mobility, and protection of migrant workers. ASEAN leaders recognised the pivotal role of Southeast Asias 213 million youths in shaping the regions future, calling for their voices to be integrated into the ASEAN Community Vision 2045 and Strategic Plans. They encouraged youth-driven solutions and innovation in areas such as AI, digital connectivity, fintech, climate change, and cross-cultural dialogues, recognising their potential to spur economic growth and sustainable development. As we reflect on the outcomes of the 44th and 45th ASEAN Summits, it is evident that ASEAN is committed to building a future that is connected, resilient, and inclusive. The region is actively crafting a long-term vision, driving digital transformation, and advancing sustainability initiatives to tackle future challenges and seize emerging opportunities. As ASEAN evolves, its ability to adapt and embrace new opportunities will be crucial in ensuring a united, resilient, and prosperous future for its people. _(_**Dr Kao Kim Hourn**_ is the 15th secretary general of the ASEAN.)_

comprised of multiple tectonic plates that are tectonically active and have a higher chance of causing earthquakes, Malaysia is relatively far away from plate boundaries. This has created a sense of safety among the population in Malaysia, with the belief that the country is free from destructive natural disasters, and that there is no need to prepare for earthquakes. According to Nazaruddin & Duerrast (2021), Peninsular Malaysia recorded 59 earthquakes between 1922 and 2020. In East Malaysia, Sabah in particular reported 67 light to moderates earthquakes between 1900 and 2019 (Tongkul, 2021). Some might think that 59 earthquakes in 98 years is not enough to raise public interest, or that Sabahs earthquakes are an issue specific to Sabah, requiring additional attention only there. The sudden spike in seismicity and intraplate earthquakes, according to researchers, could be due to fault reactivation triggered by multiple interplate earthquakes near Sumatra (Nazaruddin & Duerrast, 2021). This explanation holds up. After the September 2007 Sumatra earthquake (magnitude 8.4), Malaysia experienced nine earthquakes with magnitude ranging from 2.7 to 3.4 within the span of November 30 to December 31. Another such instance was after the September 2009 Sumatra earthquake (magnitude 7.6), where Malaysia recorded nine earthquakes of magnitudes ranging from 0.9 to 3.0 between October 7 and November 30. These earthquakes are harmless due to their low magnitude on the Richter scale, as anything below a magnitude of 5.0 is less likely to cause any damage. After the 2015 tragedy in Sabah, the government introduced the National Annex: 2017 and adopted Eurocode 8, which is essentially a building code and standard for developers to follow to ensure their buildings are earthquake-resistant. The National Annex: 2017 also included a seismic hazard map, showing the peak ground acceleration (PGA) of different part of Malaysia. Combine with our knowledge of fault lines, this map can be used not only for land-use planning but also to identify which areas of Malaysia are more likely to experience earthquakes strong enough to cause significant damage. In Peninsular Malaysia, the highest PGA recorded is 9%g in various locations, including Manjung in southern Perak and Bukit Tinggi, northeast of Kuala Lumpur. The capital, Kuala Lumpur, has a PGA value of 7%g. In Sarawak, the highest PGA recorded at 9%g in Niah, with the majority of the landmass recording PGA values lower than 4%g. However, in Sabah, most of the land mass has recorded PGA values above 4%g, with Ranau, Lahad Datu and Kudat reporting 15%g, 16%g, and 14%g, respectively. According to the Department of Mineral and Geoscience (JMG), any earthquake with a PGA value above 6%g could damage ordinary buildings, forming large cracks that affect their stability. Earthquakes with PGA values above 12%g risk causing severe damage to ordinary buildings, including broken frames and beams. Therefore, dismissing the threat of earthquakes would be irresponsible, given the potential damage they could cause. The National Annex: 2017 set standards for developers to ensure all buildings constructed thereafter are capable of withstanding earthquakes to a certain extent. However, buildings that were built and approved before the publication of the standard in 2017 are unlikely to be earthquake-resistant. This means that any building approved or constructed between 2017 and 2021 was not required to fully adhere to the standard, which raises the possibility that some newer buildings may not be earthquake-resistant. An inspection to assess whether buildings can withstand earthquakes is essential, and for those that are not earthquake-resistant, there is a need to strengthen them to improve their structural stability. This will be a particularly large-scale operation, requiring a massive amount of manpower. Thus, given that many areas with high PGA values are also densely populated, it would be more prudent to begin with those areas, as high PGA values are often associated with higher earthquake magnitude and intensity. In addition to seismic retrofitting of old buildings, it is also necessary to educate the public about the potential dangers beneath our feet. Studies have shown that disaster preparedness greatly enhances a communitys ability to cope during a disaster and speeds up the recovery afterward (Kamarudin et al., 2023). However, they also discovered that individuals who have never experienced an earthquake are significantly less prepared compared to those who have faced one before. Relevant agencies, whether the National Disaster Management Agency (NADMA), the Malaysia Meteorology Department (MMD) or others, need to intensify education programmes, especially in schools located in high-PGA areas like Ranau, Lahad Datu and Bukit Tinggi. Unfortunately, in terms of earthquake mitigation and preparedness, strengthening buildings and increasing public knowledge are the only viable approaches, as scientific prediction and forecasting of earthquakes are considered highly improbable. Although scientists are experimenting with machine learning to improve data analysis for earthquake prediction, its practicality is still under intense scrutiny. Thus, relevant agencies and first responders must be well-equipped and prepared for search-and-rescue missions should such a tragedy occur. As much as the public would want to believe that earthquakes are not a concern for Malaysia, scientific evidence suggests otherwise. Therefore, at the very least, the government needs to prepare the public to deal with such disasters in any way possible. _(_**Chia Chu Hang**_ is a Research Assistant at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.)_