schedules has faced bipartisan criticism, with HCWs and the groups representing them vehemently opposing its implementation, even though its still in the pilot study phase. The proposal in question, the _Waktu Bekerja Berlainan_ (WBB) system, seeks to reduce doctors consecutive on-call work hours from 2433 hours to 18 hours. On the surface, reducing consecutive work hours seems like a positive step forward, as it allows doctors more time for much-needed rest. While 18 hours remains excessively long, its nonetheless an improvement. However, it is the way the WBB system is structured that has sparked anger among those affected. Under the WBB system, only weekend and public holiday work qualifies as on-call duty. This means that on weekdays, medical officers are not eligible for on-call duty allowances, as the 18-hour WBB shifts are integrated into the standard 45-hour work week. These shifts are scheduled to run from 15:00 to 09:00 the following day. Additionally, certain shifts are only eligible for passive on-call allowance instead of active on-call allowance, resulting in reduced income for medical officers. For example, on weekends or public holidays followed by weekend or public holiday, group A (shift from 07:00 to 22:00) and group B (shift from 18:00 to 09:00) would qualify for active on-call allowance at the new rates RM275 per shift for medical officers and RM315 per shift for specialists. However, if the weekend or public holiday is followed by a weekday, only group A would be eligible for the active on-call allowance. Another group (shift from 20:00 to 00:00) would receive only a 4-hour passive on-call allowance, after which they must continue working from 00:00 to 09:00 without any additional allowance as these nine hours after passive on-call are considered part of the standard 45-hour work week requirement. The WBB systems treatment of night shifts as equivalent to day shifts is a major issue. It is well-ascertained that night shifts have adverse effects on both physical and mental health, which can in turn impair the performance of medical officers. This could result in a diminishing quality of care for patients. Making medical officers to work night shifts without adequate compensation could also result in higher turnover rates, further worsening the already critical manpower shortage in our public healthcare system. Thus, while the WBB system may appear effective on paper in reducing consecutive working hours, it is likely to be counter-productive in terms of staff retention. The adverse effect of the WBB system will be even more pronounced in departments with fewer medical officers, as dividing the workforce into shifts will leave each shift with even fewer personnel to handle the same workload. While working hours are one of many serious issues for HCWs, the root causes of the inhumanely long shifts lie in the shortage of manpower and inefficient resource management. Simply shortening working hours does little to address these underlying problems and could potentially worsen the situation by increasing waiting times in public hospitals as manpower continues to diminish. What is particularly concerning about the WBB system is not just its ineffectiveness but also the manner in which it was introduced to the public, HCWs, and even the Minister of Health, Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad. The pilot study for the WBB system was first leaked and subsequently reported by the media on 15th January. How is it possible for a pilot study, set to begin in just two weeks, to remain unknown to the Minister of Health until it was leaked and later reported by the media? Even though Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad has states that the implementation of the WBB system is optional, why was this not brought up in any recent parliamentary sessions? Furthermore, why is this information only now being made available to the public? Was the matter discussed in cabinet meetings, or has it bypassed the usual channels of deliberation? Furthermore, Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad emphasised that only he and the Public Services Department (JPA) have the authority to approve the expansion of the WBB system following the pilot study. He also noted that the letter in question was not signed by the director-general. When Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim announced Budget 2025, the government promised to increase the on-call allowance by RM55 to RM65 (equating to a maximum hourly increase of just RM2.74). Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad later clarified that this would be part of a pilot project. If the WBB system is indeed linked to the on-call allowance increase promised in Budget 2025, why does the system actively exclude weekdays from being classified as on-call duty, coupled with directives that further restrict eligibility for on-call allowances? Moreover, if the pilot study for the WBB system fails, will the promised increase in on-call allowances still be implemented as per Budget 2025, or will it remain at the current levels? The decision to allocate resources to the WBB system without properly consulting the public and key stakeholders raises serious concerns. Our public healthcare system cannot afford to expend valuable time and other resources on initiatives that appear to rely on a speculative hope it works approach, rather than being guided by meticulous planning and evidence-based decision-making **research-driven outcomes over outcome-driven research**! That is precisely how the WBB system appears to many: a quiet attempt to push ahead with the pilot study, with the decision to proceed with the actual system seemingly already made. It gives the impression that the pilot study is being treated as a mere formality, as if its success is a foregone conclusion, without adequately anticipating potential setbacks an **example of outcome-based research driving decisions**, rather than decisions being guided by research-driven outcomes. It would be far prudent for the MOH to put the pilot study on hold, prioritise transparency, take accountability, and actively engage with our HCWs to genuinely and holistically address their concerns. Failure to do so risks exacerbating an already critical situation, potentially leading to the further loss of HCWs and placing an even greater strain on the public healthcare system. _(_**Chia Chu Hang**_ is a Research Assistant at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.)_

justices were to resign or perish in office, Trump stands to nominate two more justices who meet his agenda on Make America Great Again (MAGA) as his appointees. While not all US Supreme Court justices are beholden to the President of the US, the odds favour those who elect them. In this sense, Trump is looking at a royal flush of controlling many levers of the US Federal government. It is this entity, not the fifty states that formed the US, that serves as the interface with other countries in the world. Hence, whether a country has the backing of a regional organisation such as the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), for that matter, the European Union (EU), every country has to understand a simple fact: like it or not, they have to carefully understand what Trump is likely to do or nothing at all. It is as if all countries that once believed in the doctrine of globalism of the US, known as the Washington Consensus, has to return to strict bilateralism. Take Israel, for example, ostensibly the one that enjoys a special relationship with the US for instance. Instead of holding on firmly against any negotiation with Hamas, the group that represents a variety of militant entities in Gaza, that has held the hostages without any release in sight, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel has to cave in to Trump for now. By releasing thousands of Palestinian prisoners in exchange for three Israeli female hostages just prior to the inauguration of Trump on January 20, Netanyahu has to tip his hat to the power of Trump. That he does not want to office without any seeming progress on this issue. To be sure, contrary to what Netanyahu has claimed on November 5, 2024, that he has had three phone calls with Trump on the day in which he won, a claim that has been proven to be untrue by Alistair Cooke, a former MI6 agent, the deception of Netanyahu had all the tell tail signs that he would want nothing but the optic of being seen as a close friend of Trump. Hence the lies that he told. Yet in the eye of Trump, a leaked report in late December had Trump describing Bibi (Netanyahu) as a dark and divisive figure. To be sure this was not a compliment at all. Trump was preparing for his second term in office by psychologically profiling Bib as someone who Trump does not like. Thus, Israels gesture to release the hostages by batch over the next 42 days is but a resurrection of the same package of hostage exchange that has been around since May 2024, according to a credible source who has worked with former Prime Minister Ehud Barak. Interestingly, Ehud Barak was the Commander of Netanyahu, the latter still trying to earn his spurs in the Israeli Defence Force (IDF). Israels cautious behaviour towards Trump is worthy of deeper reflection. Not even a security ally that has been supplied with copious among of weapons can take Trump for granted. Thus, Trump would not attack the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), which has now increased to thirty two member states, including Sweden and Finland in 2024, although he would gripe on the low yield from such spending. Most countries do not meet the 2 per cent benchmark of any generosity. As for ASEAN, Trump has no qualms with the likes of Indonesia, the Philippines, Vietnam, Singapore and potentially Malaysia. In his first term, Trump set foot on all three countries, either to meet Chairman Kim Jong Um of North Korea, or to attend the East Asian Summit (EAS) in Manila. Since Malaysia is holding the rotating Chairmanship of ASEAN, and is the coordinator of China-US relationship, as long as Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim is able to serve as a fair and judicious Chair, there is no reason why his pro-Palestinian stance alone is enough to put him in the crosshair of Trumps infamous temper tantrums. _(_**Dr Phar Kim Beng**_is Expert Committee Member of the Centre of Regional Strategic Studies, CROSS, and Professor of ASEAN Studies at the ISTAC-IIUM.)_

development. President Donald Trumps recent announcement of a joint venture with SoftBank Group, OpenAI, and Oracle targeting up to US$500 billion in AI infrastructure investments highlights the accelerating race for AI supremacy (Trump unveils AI investment plan with OpenAI, Softbank, Oracle). Dubbed Stargate, the initiative plans to **rapidly deploy new data centres, streamline construction through emergency declarations, and secure massive energy resources to fuel AI development**. While the exact breakdown of fresh capital remains unclear, the sheer scale of the proposed projects signals Americas intent to remain at the forefront of AI innovation. This surge of US-based investment **underscores the urgency for Malaysia to solidify its own AI strategies**. By harnessing its active neutrality between global powers, Malaysia can attract complementary ventures from tech giants **especially those seeking diversified footprints beyond the US or China** and ensure it remains a relevant hub for cutting-edge AI and climate solutions. Malaysias leadership strategy must focus on developing vibrant ecosystems that integrate cutting-edge innovation with robust regulatory frameworks, inclusivity, and sustainability. This holistic approach ensures that technological advancements do not merely serve short-term economic goals but also contribute to long-term societal well-being. Crucially, strategic investments should be made in cultivating Leading Talent, securing Best-in-Class Intellectual Property (IP), and pioneering infrastructure innovations such as AI-powered Data Centres, Mutual Credit Clearance (MCC), and the Multilateral Nations Climate Club (MNCC). When combined, these initiatives position Malaysia at the crossroads of global AI and climate innovation, enabling the nation to respond proactively to the challenges of the 21st century. Malaysias leadership in AI and climate innovation will be anchored upon the following: **1. Energy-efficient AI data centres**: Developing world-class, energy-efficient AI data centres provides the essential backbone for AI innovation and data sovereignty, ensuring that Malaysia becomes a trusted partner in global AI development. By prioritising safe, clean and efficient energy solutions like solar, hydro, and other renewables including nuclear (Nuclear power as an option in Malaysias energy mix and Unlocking Malaysias nuclear future: The BRICS advantage) these data centres can reduce operational costs and minimise environmental impact. Collaboration with international tech giants and local universities can further spur research in advanced cooling and power optimisation, creating high-skilled jobs and fostering an ecosystem that encourages continuous innovation. **2. Institutional-grade digital asset platforms:** Establishing institutional-grade platforms for trading and clearing digital assets, backed by real-world goods and services, positions Malaysia as a regional hub for digital finance. These platforms can harness blockchain and other emerging technologies to ensure transparency, security, and efficiency. By implementing strict regulatory standards and robust cybersecurity measures, Malaysia can cultivate investor trust, attract global market players, and open new avenues for businesses seeking capital or alternative financing options. **3. Leveraging Shariah-compliant finance for global trade:** Utilising Malaysias expertise in shariah-compliant finance to integrate innovative products such as _sukuks_ and green carbon bonds into global trade finance systems, particularly in ASEAN and Islamic economies. By aligning these products with environmental, social, and governance (ESG) principles, Malaysia can demonstrate leadership in ethical finance, attracting foreign capital and fostering partnerships that bridge conventional and Islamic financial markets. **4. Digital credit and clearance for financial inclusion:** Establishing a digital-based credit and clearance system fosters financial inclusion and reduces dependency on traditional banking, particularly for small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and underserved communities. Such a system could streamline peer-to-peer lending, reduce transaction fees, and enable more agile capital flows. Integrating advanced AI-driven credit scoring models can also help lenders assess risk more accurately, making financial services accessible to those who have traditionally been excluded from formal banking. ** 5. Green technologies for data centres under MNCC:** Incentivising investment in green technologies for data centres is integral to aligning key infrastructure development with broader climate goals under MNCC. Through tax breaks, grants, or public-private partnerships, Malaysia can encourage energy providers and data centre operators to adopt renewable energy sources, energy-efficient designs, and innovative cooling systems. This synergy between technological growth and environmental sustainability shall bolster Malaysias climate credentials and strengthens its role as a climate innovation leader. **6. Promoting MCC for business transactions:** Promoting the MCC system empowers businesses to exchange goods and services by issuing and multilaterally netting own digital credits, effectively bypassing conventional fiat and or cash transactions. This alternative financial mechanism can help stabilise local supply chains, reduce currency fluctuation risks, and stimulate local trade networks. By embedding trust and transparency into the MCC framework potentially through blockchain or other tamper-proof technologies Malaysia can become a pioneer in next-generation trade systems. **7. Attracting nations to the MNCC:** Attracting nations to participate in the MNCC by offering reduced costs for meeting Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) through access to Malaysias digital asset markets creates a compelling incentive for global collaboration. By tying climate objectives to tangible economic benefits such as lower-cost financing for green projects or preferred terms for carbon trading Malaysia can reinforce the MNCC as a practical solution for nations seeking to fulfil their climate commitments. This, in turn, enhances Malaysias diplomatic influence and positions the country at the epicentre of climate finance innovation. Government agencies like Malaysian Investment Development Authority (MIDA) play a critical role in drawing foreign investments to strategic sectors through tax breaks, grants, and reduced regulatory barriers. By promoting targeted incentives in AI, climate tech, and green finance, Malaysia can outpace regional competitors and set a clear direction for sustainable development. Such policies should also be flexible enough to adapt to evolving technology trends and global economic shifts, ensuring long-term competitiveness. Following the successful model of nations like South Korea, we can establish Global AI and Climate Tech Fellowships to attract researchers, entrepreneurs, and technologists from around the world. These fellowships, bolstered by grants and world-class facilities encourage ground-breaking research that can be **swiftly commercialised**. Collaborate ventures with global tech leaders further enrich Malaysias R landscape, fostering technology transfers, capacity-building programs, and international partnerships that benefit both local and global stakeholders. Finally, we should not forget **active neutrality as a strategic edge**. In a polarised world, Malaysias position of _active neutrality_ between the US and China offers a distinct strategic advantage. By leveraging this stance to attract investments from both powers, Malaysia can ensure a steady flow of capital and knowledge, while adhering to Ethical AI systems that prioritise inclusivity, transparency, and accountability. This balanced approach not only enhances Malaysias global brand but also fortifies its commitment to sustainable growth proving that technological advancement and ethical governance can indeed go hand in hand. By embracing these strategies, Malaysia can evolve into a frontrunner for AI-driven climate solutions and inclusive financial innovations. This vision requires close coordination among government entities, industry leaders, and civil society each playing a part in ensuring that Malaysias economic ascent is firmly anchored in sustainability, inclusivity, and technological excellence. (**Dr Rais Hussin**_ is the Founder of EMIR Research, a think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.)_

November, a driver rammed a car into a Zhuhai sports centre in China, killing 35. Additionally, a vehicle attack at a German Christmas market in Magdeburg resulted in at least six deaths. On New Years Day, a self-radicalised individual ploughed through crowds in New Orleans, leaving 15 dead and 30 injured. VE attacks are becoming less sophisticated, more unpredictable, and quickly planned, utilising accessible weapons like knives, firearms, and vehicles. While terrorist organisations like Al-Qaeda and IS have historically endorsed vehicular attacks, recent perpetrators have emerged from diverse backgrounds in ideology, biography, and location, further complicating detection and prevention efforts. For instance, VRAs have spread beyond the Israel-Palestine conflict to Western cities and recently to the Asia-Pacific region. Lessons can be drawn from China, which saw a hike in mass killings in 2024. Apparently, Malaysia faces similar socio-economic challenges. Additionally, global drivers of VE such as interethnic and interfaith conflicts, inadequate efforts to tackle organised crime and insufficiently robust Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) strategies are also prominent in Malaysia. Notable violent attacks on crowded locations in Malaysia include the 2016 Movida pub attack, a foiled bomb plot at a Carlsberg factory, and multiple assaults on places of worship in the 2010s. **Security framework deficiencies and urgent needs** In contrast, Malaysia currently lacks such comprehensive measures, highlighting a critical deficiency in its national security infrastructure. Malaysias P/CVE National Action Plan (MyPCVE) does not include **pre-emptive security measures for critical infrastructures against VE risks**, highlighting gaps in public security and disaster management. This underscores the urgent need to enhance Malaysias preparedness in addressing VE dangers. A systematic review of global P/CVE best practices reveals that advanced countries proactively **empower and engage peripheral stakeholders** such as private businesses, community organisations, educational institutions, and operators of public places **creating an extensive and effective network for detecting and preventing **VE threats. This involves targeted public campaigns and community outreach programmes to cultivate public vigilance and train individuals in responding to VE attacks. Furthermore, countries like the UK and Singapore provide specialised security advice to owners of crowded venues and event organisers, incorporating VE threats into their comprehensive risk management frameworks. Moreover, front-line workers in crowded venues should be trained to understand VE threats, conduct venue risk assessments, develop security plans, detect and report suspicious behaviour, and inform patrons of potential security risks. Public safety personnel, community responders, and event planners should also receive bystander training, as they are often first to assist during mass casualty incidents. Integrating these initiatives into Malaysias **Rukun** **Tetangga** **Scheme** which aims to strengthen local community unity, economy, security, education, and quality of life could significantly boost the nations resilience against VE threats. **Professionalising P/CVE efforts** is central to a robust counter-VE strategy. Enhancing the operational capacity of security personnel including police, law enforcement agencies, and private security providers can be achieved by integrating VE training into Malaysias Certified Security Guards (CSGs) programmes. This initiative ensures that security officers are well-equipped to provide essential threat intelligence to public space operators and can effectively respond to VE attacks in public spaces. Implementing robust security and site protection is essential for **enhancing asset resilience** in public spaces. Measures such as security signage, fencing, and bollards help to deter malicious actors from targeting crowded venues and significantly influence attack planning. For example, the UK funds the National Barrier Asset (NBA), which includes hostile vehicle mitigation equipment, security fences, and gates designed to protect against VRAs. Additionally, installing CCTVs in public spaces like car parks, streets, and town centres is crucial for effective surveillance, as control room personnel are often the first to detect hostile incidents. Cohesive multi-agency P/CVE cooperation requires a **centre-out** **approach** underpinned by strong communication and information sharing. The success of MyPCVE is contingent upon its alignment with other national policies such as the National Security Policy, Security and Public Safety Policy, and Disaster Management Plan. All relevant bodies must engage in security planning against VE threats through regular joint operations, exercises, and continual updates of capabilities and procedures. Integrating** new VE estimation methods and indicators, **grounded in robust data and scientific analysis, into Malaysias national crime index will enhance the ability to forecast, detect, and prepare for potential threats early. Real-time tracking of crime and security data will provide an accurate and current reflection of the nations security landscape, while sharing this information with the public will increase awareness and vigilance. Developing comprehensive contingency plans for VE incidents in crowded places is essential for public safety and mitigating impacts. Therefore, VE must be integrated into Malaysias public security strategy and disaster management plan. This integration will strengthen the nations preparedness and resilience against VE threats, ensuring a coordinated and effective response to improve overall national security. (**Dr Margarita Peredaryenko**_ and _**Avyce Heng**_ are part of the research team at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research_.)

ASEAN has kept the income of ordinary workers at low levels, even though the Gross Domestic Product of most ASEAN nations has increased dramatically. In Malaysia for example, GDP increased 25 times in real terms in the last 5 decades. But the majority of people in the bottom 80 per cent of the population (B80) are burdened with debt and mired in economic problems. Competition between ASEAN countries for Foreign Investment (FDI) has caused a contraction in the ratio of government income to GDP. For Malaysia this ratio has decreased from 30 per cent in the 1980s to only 15 per cent last year. This reduction in government revenue has severely impaired the governments ability to strengthen the social safety net for our people. ASEAN countries still rely on the export-led growth model of development where we rely on the markets of Western countries, Europe and Japan to generate demand for our industries. This strategy should be re-evaluated in this era where the rate of economic growth in Western countries has declined. Our youth are facing problems in getting a guaranteed job with reasonable salary. ASEAN member countries participation in multiple Free Trade Agreements has severely restricted their governments ability to effectively steer their own national economy and finances. The climate crisis is on-going, but the ASEAN members do not have the fiscal flexibility to deal with it effectively. Considering the above-mentioned realities, we would like to recommend the following approaches: **1.The need to develop the internal market for the ASEAN region** For the past five decades, countries in ASEAN have followed the advice of the World Bank, the IMF and the WTO to rely on foreign investment (FDI) to drive the construction of manufacturing industries and rely on the markets of rich countries in Europe and North America as markets for goods created by factories in ASEAN. This development model cannot continue forever because: The West only represents 12 per cent of the worlds population. It is impossible for them to generate enough gross demand for all countries in the world. The rate of GDP growth in Western countries is low because of the relocation of many factories to Asian countries, where manufacturing costs are much lower. A process of de-industrialisation has taken place in Western countries in the past 40 years, and this has led to the loss of high-paying factory jobs. These have been replaced by precarious jobs in the service sector with low and unstable incomes. If the internal market in the ASEAN region (which has a combined population of 690 million) can be developed, it will bring several benefits to our economy including: Market expansion for local goods including for small traders Reduction in dependence on the European and United States markets. **2. Strategies to increase the wages of ordinary workers in ASEAN countries** At present, the wages of ordinary workers in ASEAN countries are approximately 1/6 (Malaysia) to 1/15 (Cambodia) of the wages of ordinary workers in European countries and the United States. One reason is the competition between ASEAN countries to attract foreign investors by offering ourselves as countries where manufacturing costs are low. However, the low wage policy makes it difficult for ordinary workers in our countries to make ends meet, and prevents a fairer distribution of national income to the working class. In addition, household demand is the largest contributor to gross demand of any country. But, when the majority of consumers are low-wage workers, how can the gross demand of households grow? Currently, countries in ASEAN are afraid to increase the minimum wage because the risk of creating a comparative disadvantage in the competition for FDI. That risk can be overcome if several ASEAN countries Malaysia, Thailand, Vietnam, Indonesia and the Philippines particularly can agree to increase their minimum wages (which currently vary) by 10 per cent every year for the next five years. How this can be enforced needs to be discussed in depth. Our recommendation is to include this approach in the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement, so that import taxes can be imposed as a fine against countries that fail to comply with the minimum wage increase schedule that has been agreed to. **3. The need to stop the race to the bottom in corporate tax** Government spending is another major contributor to a countrys gross demand. In all countries in ASEAN the ratio of government expenditure to GDP has decreased in the last 50 years. In Malaysia for example, government spending has decreased from 35 per cent of GDP in the 1980s to 20 per cent of GDP now. The main reason is the reduction of corporate tax from 40 per cent on company profits in 1988 to 24 per cent on corporate profits this year. Malaysia had to reduce the corporate tax rate because it is competing with Thailand, Vietnam and Indonesia for foreign investment. Currently, corporate tax in Thailand is 20 per cent and in Singapore, 17 per cent. Continued reduction of corporate tax rates in ASEAN countries not only hinders the development of the regions internal market, it also restricts fiscal flexibility for the government to implement programs to help ordinary people and to protect the environment. It has also caused an increase in national debt in most ASEAN countries. This matter should be taken seriously by ASEAN and specific steps taken to increase corporate tax gradually and simultaneously to reach a higher level we recommend 30 per cent of the companys gross profit, within a period of 10 years. This means that Malaysia would be required to increase corporate tax by 0.6 per cent every year for the next 10 years, while Thailand has to increase by 1 per cent every year so that both countries can achieve the goal of 30 per cent within a period of 10 years. Again, effective measures to implement this, perhaps by tweaking the ASEAN FTA, has to be discussed. The cap and tax system is a good way to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Under this system, the largest emitters of carbon dioxide will be given limits (the cap) for carbon dioxide production, based on the type of industry and the scale of production. A tax will be imposed on carbon dioxide emissions that exceeds the set limit. Vietnam has imposed a carbon tax at a rate of US$0.50 per ton of carbon dioxide, and Indonesia is planning to launch it at a rate of US$5 per ton. But these rates are far less than the carbon tax imposed in Europe. France is charging US$52 per ton and Sweden is currently charging US$137 per ton of carbon dioxide. As is well known, too low a carbon tax rate will not incentivise the corporate sector to switch to renewable energy sources. The fact is, ASEAN countries are anxious that the carbon tax will increase the cost of energy, transport and goods such as cement and iron, thus harming the countrys competitiveness in the race to attract foreign investment (FDI). This concern can only be addressed if the carbon tax is implemented at about the same rate in all ASEAN countries. Negotiations on how this can be done should begin. **5. The problem of youth unemployment and under-employment** Young people between the ages of 20 and 35 are facing serious problems in making a living. Job opportunities are reduced, and new graduates are unable to find jobs commensurate with their education/training. The work that can be found often is lowly paid and most of it is short-term contract work without guarantees or social protection. More government positions are created in the health sector, welfare sector and environmental sector to restore rivers, forests and to create a circular economy. But the fiscal space is narrow for most ASEAN countries. Government revenue is currently insufficient to launch initiatives like this. The private sector in ASEAN decides to produce more goods or services. But this path is constrained by the slow growth rate of domestic aggregate demand, because in general the wages received by workers in this region are 1/6/ to 1/15 of the wages received for the same work in Western countries. The number of hours of work per week is reduced gradually such that available work is shared out among all those who need to work. The problem of youth unemployment should be recognised by ASEAN governments and studies and discussion sessions should be organised to find effective measures to overcome this problem which, if failed to be handled effectively, will lead to frustration and radicalisation of our youth. **6. Joint ventures to pioneer new green industries** It is very important for ASEAN countries to work together to make electric buses of various sizes, solar panels, machinery to recycle organic waste to generate electricity and so on. These industries are very central to transition to a green economy and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. These new industries, if they can be on-shored in ASEAN, will also generate jobs for our people and develop domestic gross demand in the ASEAN region. ASEAN countries need to improve our treatment of refugees. If there are some countries that are not ready to sign the Refugee Convention, we should at the very least: Currently they are forced to work illegally and this exposes them to exploitation by irresponsible employers. Currently we have approximately 2 million legal migrant workers in Malaysia, and approximately 160,000 refugees recognised by UNHCR. We can easily reduce our migrant workers a bit so that we can give jobs to refugees. Part of the fees collected for work permits should be used to pay the cost of medical treatment of refugees and their families in government hospitals. The implementation of these two steps will protect some of the basic rights of refugees in our countries. **8. Create a check-and-balance process for the ASEAN extradition agreement** Currently ASEAN countries have agreed that if a citizen from country A escapes to another ASEAN country B, country B must arrest and send back that person if requested by country A. We have no objection if this agreement is only used to arrest criminals, but, considering that some countries in ASEAN have yet to attain a reasonable level of human rights, we feel it is necessary to create a mechanism to filter extradition requests to ensure that people who flee because of human rights or political issues are not sent back just like that. We should establish a check and balance process where the person can show evidence that he is not a criminal but a human rights activist or a political refugee who should be granted asylum for a longer period. **9. Strengthening the relationship between the general public in ASEAN countries** Unfortunately, even though we have all been independent for more than 60 years, we still know more about the political and social systems of the countries that used to colonise us. Many people in ASEAN are not exposed to social and political trends in neighbouring countries. Governments in ASEAN should organise various programs that create opportunities for ordinary citizens in the ASEAN region to visit each other, attend joint programs in various fields, participate in adoption programs in neighbouring countries, participate in retreat sessions for several days to discuss general issues such as how to transition to the green economy and the like, and to mingle openly. Friendship between ASEAN countries should not be limited to political leaders and high government officials only. We must foster and encourage people-to-people friendship. We hope the Malaysian Government will take the ideas presented in this memorandum seriously. We are ready to meet with the government to discuss the issues listed above in more depth if necessary.

government authorities neglect of amendment and enforcement of disability legislation to prevent discrimination and build infrastructure and services supportive of the mobility and meaningful participation of PwDs in mainstream society. Such abuse of persons with disabilities is a serious human rights violation. The vast number of incidents that happen go underreported, as we lack any coherent system and legislation to prevent discrimination against PwDs. While our neighbouring countries have made significant progress we have regressed. Many will argue that such abuse is the result of lack of awareness and education. But a realistic view is that PwDs are stigmatised and discriminated against because our society is not inclusive and lacks compassion. We are, at large, an intolerant society; intolerant of diversity on many fronts and on many levels, not only regarding disability but also gender, age, ethnicity, stateless communities, etc. While we would like to encourage a culture of compassion for and understanding of persons with disabilities, senior citizens, children, those in vulnerable situations and for all Malaysians, this cannot happen without clear leadership and direction from the government at every level. If we are serious about change, then it must start with the government. There have been numerous calls for the urgent amendment of article 8(2) of the Federal Constitution to expressly prohibit discrimination on the ground of disability and the comprehensive amendment of the Persons with Disabilities Act, 2008 to align it with the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). Government action on both will send a clear message that all Malaysians, with or without disabilities, have a legitimate right to, and expectation of, not being discriminated against. The public need to recognise that what we do to improve the inclusion of PwDs will benefit society at large. Conversely what we fail to do for the disability community will have a significant negative impact on all of society. If we want an inclusive, caring and compassionate society, we need to advocate for and promote inclusion in every area of society. If we do not fight against discrimination in all areas, we will not achieve the inclusion as befits a developed nation. As a society we need to move away from passive inclusion, the mere lip-service recognition of disability rights, to active inclusion, justice for every person in all areas of Malaysian society.

these politicians and civil servants are frequently called into question, raising concerns about the criteria for receiving such titles. Ministers and secretaries of ministries often find themselves on the list of honourees, even when there is little evidence of outstanding performance in their respective roles. This trend extends to civil servants who reach the position of ministrys secretary general, seemingly receiving awards as a matter of course. This practice prompts the question of whether this recognition is a prerequisite of their position or an honour truly earned through exceptional service. Despite these accolades, many public services remain subpar. - Traffic lights are faulty, causing traffic woes and accidents - Poor performance of football, hockey and suffering in badminton - Hospital bills escalating even worst in the private hospital - Lackadaisical vehicles safety checks on the heavy vehicles by an agency - Pollution level on the rivers are getting worst by the day - Non-functional streetlights bring commuters much despair - Poor reputation and image of our nation as compared to a decade ago - Slow response to public requests, such as land issues Let us not forget the unsung heroes of Malaysia who should be at the forefront of our national awards, as their efforts resonate deeply with the values of dedication, hard work, and community spirit that build a greater Malaysia. These are just a few issues that the citizens face on a daily basis that have yet to be sorted out by the respective authorities, including the performance of GLCs frequently falling short of public expectations. Yet, the CEO, and department heads of these entities still receive prestigious titles. In stark contrast, numerous athletes and sports stars who bring pride to the nation through their achievements often go unrecognised. The prerogative to bestow these titles lies with the royalty, but the recommendations often come from ministers, heads of departments, political parties, sports bodies and NGOs. It is imperative that these recommendations reflect a broa

plantations decades ago. The statement could be dangerous if industries interpret it as the time to ditch sustainable practices or if foreign buyers lose faith in Indonesian palm oil products and switch to other substitutes or other producing countries with better sustainability standards. It is easy to take pride in palm oil, with the commodity and its products Indonesias top exports and now perhaps poised to play a pivotal role in the Presidents energy security dream through the biodiesel programs. Despite the ambition, efforts to boost palm oil production should not sacrifice the environment. There are still many sustainable ways to enhance output, especially through long-neglected replanting efforts rather than by clearing forests to open new plantations. The government through the Oil Palm Plantation Fund Management Agency (BPDPKS) channelled over Rp179 trillion (RM46 billion) in subsidies to the biodiesel program from 2015 to 2023, according to research by Auriga Nusantara. Meanwhile, the agency only disbursed Rp8.5 trillion for replanting efforts within the same period, according to BPDPKS data from November 2023. Others measures to boost production can also include better seeds and fertilisers, which universities and research institutions in Indonesia have knowledge about and can produce. Losing forests will not only deprive Indonesia of its invaluable biodiversity but will also make it harder for the country to meet its net-zero emissions targets, especially after the Prabowo administration plans to accelerate the process to achieve the goal by 2050. And oil palms, although they do have leaves, are not the same as complex forest ecosystems. Experts have suggested that oil palm plantations can not only reduce the ability to capture carbon but also suck up nutrients that will make it difficult to restore natural forests. During the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in November last year, Prabowo may have thought the country could be self-sufficient in green energy by relying on its natural resources, including forms of bioenergy like palm-oil based biodiesel. However, Prabowo must also remember if the source of the biodiesel leads to deforestation, then there is nothing green in the biodiesel just as there is nothing green about electric vehicles if the power is still sourced from coal-fired power plants. Furthermore, President Prabowo will need to evaluate millions of hectares of oil palm plantations in the country, following findings last year that over 3.3 million of them were illegal. The Development Finance Comptroller (BPKP) has pointed out a lack of compliance that led to Rp300 trillion in potential lost revenue. A blind expansion drive would only lead to more illegal plantati

strategically hedge against America-centric policies and reduce its excessive reliance on any single global power. Adopting digital currencies can enhance financial sovereignty and streamline cross-border transactions, minimising the impact of fluctuating US monetary policies. Investing in AI development positions Malaysia at the forefront of technological innovation, fostering economic resilience and creating high-value industries that are less susceptible to external pressures. Additionally, by becoming a key data centre hub, Malaysia can attract global investments and data traffic, diversifying its economic partnerships and strengthening its role in the global digital infrastructure. These initiatives collectively enable Malaysia to build a more balanced and autonomous economic framework, better equipped to navigate the complexities of an unpredictable international landscape. Furthermore, Malaysias strategic location and membership in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) place it in a unique position to mediate and benefit from the global superpower rivalry. However, this role requires **astute diplomacy and strategic foresight**, both of which unfortunately Malaysia has failed to demonstrate in the past. Historically, Malaysia has maintained a policy of active neutrality, engaging with both the US and China to safeguard its national interests. While this approach has allowed Malaysia to attract significant investments from both nations, particularly in the semiconductor and technology sectors, the intensifying US-China tech rivalry poses growing challenges to Malaysias neutral stance. As both superpowers compete for technological dominance, Malaysia may find it increasingly difficult to navigate export controls, trade sanctions, and shifting alliances, all of which make balancing its economic and security interests more complex. This delicate positioning underscores the importance of **forward-looking strategies** that can help Malaysia maintain **constructive relations with both powers while preserving its own strategic autonomy**. Professor Dr Chris Miller, author of Chip War: The Fight for the Worlds Most Critical Technology, explored the geopolitical landscape of the semiconductor industry, highlighting the strategic importance of various countries, including Malaysia, in the global supply chain. He notes that while Malaysia has benefited from trade diversions due to its neutrality, sustaining this position will become increasingly difficult, especially given the coming unpredictability of US policies. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has emphasised the importance of digital transformation for Malaysias future. His 2025 National Budget allocates significant resources to accelerate digitalisation and AI adoption. The establishment of the National Artificial Intelligence Office (NAIO) and the proposal for an ASEAN AI Safety Network are steps toward institutionalising AI governance and ethics. Malaysias ambition to become a data centre hub is gaining momentum, particularly in regions like Johor. Companies such as Nvidia and Microsoft are reportedly investing substantial amounts to build data centres on lands that were once jungles and palm oil plantations. Some observers note that Malaysias data centre boom gained momentum after Singapores 2019 moratorium on power-hungry infrastructure. As a result, Johor has also experienced a surge in foreign investments. According to industry forecasts, Malaysias burgeoning data centre market could grow by as much as six-fold over the next five years, though actual outcomes may vary depending on global economic and policy conditions. For Malaysia to realise its aspirations of becoming a global technology leader, it must confront and overcome deficiencies that hinder innovation. This entails fostering a culture that encourages risk-taking, supports start-ups, and invests in research and development. Additionally, Malaysia needs to strengthen its talent pipeline by aligning educational programs with industry requirements and making it easier for entrepreneurs to access funding and mentorship. Cultivating closer collaboration among the government, academia, and the private sector can also help bring research breakthroughs to the market more quickly. By creating a supportive environment for both local and international innovators, Malaysia can position itself as a hub for cutting-edge technologies and drive long-term economic growth. Malaysias assumption of the ASEAN Chairmanship in 2025 presents an opportunity to lead regional collaboration in key areas such as AI, the digital economy, and innovation. But to take this lead Malaysia must shake the insecurity that has fostered a culture of following the leader whether Singapore or Silicon Valley instead of forging its own path forward. _(_**Dr Rais Hussin**_ is the Founder of EMIR Research, a think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.)_

established since World War II and reconfigured after 9/11. Such is the case as long as the world relies on the United States dollar as the primary global currency for international trade and finance, and the US can maintain its ironclad alliances with old and new friends through the assurance of the protection of its nuclear umbrella. Expect a lot of challenges in international relations at the outset, as Trump will require a re-evaluation of current US alliances from day one. This is understandable for an incoming administration which now has the benefit of hindsight, an experienced old hand returning with knowledge from past mistakes and successes, and armed with ideas on how to shake things up. International observers must not forget that due to the war on terror following 9/11, US troops were sent to Afghanistan and Iraq. Since then, there has been a low appetite among Americans for meddling in other countries troubles, much less for supporting wars of the past like the Iran-Contra affair and the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba. The US overseas adventurism has not only stretched its military thin, but it has also overburdened American taxpayers with military spending just to fulfil its role as global police. We have seen a preview of how foreign policy will be shaped on Capitol Hill henceforth during last Tuesdays confirmation hearing of Pete Hegseth as defence secretary, in which he vowed to modernise all three legs of the nuclear triad maid China and Russias accelerated development of their nuclear delivery and weapons systems. America has a lot on its plate these days, besides its highly polarised electorate. Trump will surely prioritise domestic concerns over poking his nose into intractable conflicts around the world. But according to David Leonhardt of _The New York Times_, Trump is not an across-the-board isolationist, and I agree. Trump is keenly aware that he must confront other powers that can undermine the US might and interests, such as Russia, China, and the oil-producing countries in the Middle East. For that reason, Israel will remain the pivot point of the American foreign policy in the Middle East, which involves the rival regional (and Islamic) powers Iran, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Qatar. **Chip war.**In the Indo-Pacific, the US faces its biggest rival, China. But decoupling from China in trade is not possible in the short term because it is the worlds manufacturing hub, after all. This is why Washington has continued to engage with Beijing bilaterally despite their fierce rivalry on the global stage. As long as Taiwan supplies at least 90 percent of the US demand for advanced chips, and its allies Japan and South Korea remain key players in the global semiconductor supply chain, the US presence in Asia is here to stay. This means that these three East Asian allies plus the Philippines, which now has nine sites for temporary hosting American troops, can continue to enjoy robust relations with the US under Trump. The Biden administrations policy of revitalising the US semiconductor industry through the bipartisan $50 billion (RM225 billion) CHIPS Act of 2022 can lead to self-reliance, but it will take time. Thus, the Marcos administration can become the darling of the second Trump presidency if it takes advantage of this opportunity for renewed interest in the Philippines as a reliable ally and defence against China. But Manila should go beyond military aid and press Washington to expand the Philippine semiconductor industry, turning it into a producer of advanced microchips, which historian Chris Miller describes as the new oil (Chip War, 2022). Expansion of chip making capacity is not only costly. Such a transfer of technology requires trust and is only reserved for the closest of friends, as the Philippines has painfully proven to the US since the Fall of Bataan in 1942. Miller says military, economic, and geopolitical power are built on a foundation of computer chips. Thus, he says China spends more money each year importing chips than it spends importing oil to catch up to the USs technological superiority. Such is the complexity of international relations that maintaining the balance of power in Asia will not be straightforward for the US. The factors that complicate things are North Koreas subservience to China and Russias expanding interests in Europe. The hermetic kingdom has continued to rely on the duo to prop up its military and nuclear arsenal, which can very well threaten the continental US.

Their parents also probably do not read, just follow _ustazs_ and religious teachers after their universities and schooling. Lets take a look at some of the immature decisions and actions of university students mostly from public uni. First and latest is the Ham Sandwich incident. The student had assumed that ham automatically mean pork meat when a simple check would reveal much. Perhaps the students did not receive this information from their lecturers Powerpoint? In the age of AI and ChatGPT, a simple question to the largest database of human existence was not done. Then, there is the question of simply asking the shop or owners of the shop. It is fine that the student reported to the UM authorities, but to report to the police? With no information from simple Internet searches and not having the courtesy of asking questions, its straight to the police! Recently, we saw the UMS student wanting to stage a huge public demonstration la Bersih 1.0 or 2.0. Their issue was Musa Aman being appointed as TYT of Sabah. The student could not even distinguish between accusing a person of corruption or using facts that the person has been found guilty of corruption. Najib Tun Razak is guilty of corruption as of now. Who says? The court and several courts also. Which court convicted Musa Aman? Just reading about Musa Amans insane wealth and even more insane gambling debts are not enough. It would have been better to frame the concern of appointing questionable candidates to the TYT in a forum and streamed on social media. Before this, there were UiTM students staging a protest over the possible inclusion of just a few medical students last year. Did the students know the spirit of MARA and ITM in the beginning? Did they bother to read what Tun Arshad Ayub said about UiTM and inclusiveness with other races? Did the students understand the cryptic message of Tun Dr. Ismail about Bumiputra first policy? And, did the students understand the gravity of medical specialist needs in the country? Again, why demonstrate? Why not call a few people from the medical profession, historians and politicians of all races and divide and have a conversation? Do we academics teach research, rationale and arguments, or do we teach how to stage demonstrations with zero understanding of the context of the issues? A few years ago, GAMIS or Gabungan Mahasiswa Islam staged a protest against Dong Zong for rejecting the inclusion of Jawi in Bahasa Malaysia syllabus. The group of Malay Muslim students had threatened May 13 onto the Chinese education group. These students were not even born when May 13 murdered many innocent young lives. These _mahasiswa_ showed no compassion and no reflection of grave incidents like riots. Again, why not call Dong Zong for an intellectual dialogue or ask to speak and debate the issue in the open? Do we academics teach threats and demonstrations as tools for future careers? I never did. Lastly, there was this Sabah student who performed the Sieg Heil as a tribute to Adolf Hitler in murdering Jewish children, women, elderly and adult. To the world, this was a crime of unprecedented proportion. To that student, it was a noble act of courage and spirituality in murdering those Muslims and Christians deem as enemies of the religion. Now, which university has this sort of teaching in their syllabus? Did the MQA check this? I want to know. The MQA is so efficient that their evaluators love looking at forms and details that boggle my mind, but did they check why this student as a product of a Malaysian education saw fit to harbour holocaust intentions on people whom he has never met? When journalists ask me about my opinion of the Malaysian Higher Education Blueprint, I just look at them blankly and in utter amusement. We have such students as the above and we are way beyond blueprints, dear Malaysians. __(__****Prof Dr. Mohd Tajuddin Mohd Rasdi****__is Professor of Architecture at a local university and his writing reflects his own personal opinion entirely.)__

least a century-old abuse of the planet. Worse, it remains sanguine about the supremacy of nuclear fission and gunpowder as protection against the oncoming calamity. Israel is emblematic of the tragedy. Created as a home for survivors from Nazi ghettos, it is today a replica of Nazi Germany. As the Nazis rationalised their thirst for blood and land with European race theories, the Jewish elite embraced Zionism and took a leaf from their torturers to covet Palestinian land with claims of divine exclusivism. Imperialism, which transformed Israel into its unsinkable ship, doesnt always see the need for divine excuses. Its entrenched interest lies crucially in denial of climate change although the hunt for critical resources is on in case someone read it wrong. On a different scale, in India, corporates close to the government are being facilitated by the state to stake a claim on the nations natural resources. They are cornering forests and water resources and displacing the indigenous inhabitants. They care little that the Himalayan ice is melting, rivers are running dry and a water-sharing treaty between India and Pakistan is being weaponised. There seems no room to sidestep the milk van, which is speeding like Chinas bullet train to Tibet but with no guardrails to deter the stags botched fate. The global stage has ingredients of Greek tragedies that lay low the protagonists with speeding inevitability. Occasionally, its luck that runs out on the hero. Among the least concerned by the mayhem is Donald Trump. It would, of course, have been better for the world if its joys and sorrows were not determined by Americas four-yearly mood swings and its pursuit of perennially shifting core interests. But thats not the way the world is structured. Trumps second coming starting next week brings with it a more extreme variant of the worry. The core interests have suddenly shifted to terrifying claims on allies, making them palpably nervous. Or to be clearer, Trump brings worry for some and hope for others. The variation is evident. While the Chinese president expectedly turned down the invitation to Trumps Jan 20 swearing-in, the Indian prime minister is reportedly disconsolate at not being invited, that too after exerting efforts including his foreign ministers alleged stakeout in Washington, D.C. Trump has raised close to US$200 million (RM900 million) from the coming inaugural, says the _Fortune_magazine. According to Indian reports, the foreign minister and not Narendra Modi has been invited to represent India. The grovelling is made worse by an absurd fact of history whereby Prime Minister Modi had publicly canvassed to the worlds astonishment and to many an Indians embarrassment for Trumps re-election, which he lost. During Modis recent visit to the US, however, reports said Trump was expecting to see him, presumably to raise handy electoral support from the mostly Democratic Indian diaspora. Modi apparently miscalculated the election outcome and didnt meet Trump. There are greater worries stemming from and hopes hinging on Trumps second presidency including in South Asia. Trumps overriding interest in the Global South is, of course, his fear of BRICS. Its difficult to see any South Asian country ditching the most promising alternative that BRICS has become to gun-toting US imperialism. At an individual level, there have been write-ups about Trumps soft corner for Imran Khan who, reports say, he could help get back his job. The story is more complex given the quid pro quo Trump would demand from those he favours: betraying BRICS. There are accusations, and there are reasons to believe them, that the Biden administration waylaid Imran after he met Vladimir Putin in Moscow. Richard Grenell, a close associate of Trump, did, however, publicly demand the release of Imran Khan. Bangladesh would be on edge too, given the fact that the current dispensation in Dhaka is seen as being close to Hillary Clinton. Her India connection is remembered for the bhangra she danced at an Ambani wedding in 2018. That the tycoon shores up Modi is no secret. For the other regional countries, their ties with the US for the next four years would be measured through the prism of Sino-US relations, Trumps top priority. The larger world, meanwhile, remains sandwiched between two bad choices. The outgoing Democratic administration has been neck-deep complicit in the horrific genocide in Gaza. Its equally responsible for setting off the slaughter underway in Ukraine by insulting and provoking Russia. Many American opponents, including a friend who has applied to give up her US nationality, see Trump as an insolent real estate shark who became Americas most divisive politician since the Civil War. They say he wants to make his country great again in its most dire sense. Therefore, he must first negotiate the charged-up opposition from the vast swathe of Americans suspicious of his toxic worldview. Trumps US is expected to be vertically divided over gender rights, climate change and race relations besides a host of tricky hairpin bends on domestic and global policies. Should the milk van keel over on a sharp bend, it would be the best reprieve the stranded stag could possibly hope for.

Kesihatan, Daerah Daya Barat, Pulau Pinang. In 2021, Bao applied for a permanent position as a Pegawai Psikologi. He fulfilled the MoH academic criteria, passed the various screening stages, was shortlisted for an interview but was not selected after the interview. In 2022, he was issued an OKU card based on his diagnosis: autism spectrum disorder level 1. His disability does not affect his work performance, as evidenced by the 2,000+ hours of counselling provided to over 1,000 patients. In mid-2022, Bao updated his disability status in his online government account with the Sistem Pendaftaran Pekerjaan Suruhanjaya Perkhidmatan Awam (SPA) portal. In December 2023, when a vacancy arose, Bao reapplied for the same permanent position (Pegawai Psikologi). However, he was not shortlisted for an interview; the SPA portal indicated Bao did not meet the academic criterion for the position. On many occasions, Bao contacted the Human Resources Department of the SPA for clarification and was given a verbal indication that he failed to be shortlisted because he was an OKU card holder. Aggrieved, Bao applied to the Penang High Court for a judicial review seeking declaration that he had been discriminated against on the ground of disability during the process of accessing employment in a public sector permanent position. The basis of seeking the declaration was on the grounds that the SPA decision was not consistent with Article 8(1) of the Federal Constitution and Section 29 of the Persons with Disabilities Act 2008 which guarantees equal access to employment. On 16 January 2025, Justice Quay Chew Soon ruled in favour of Bao and declared as follows: 1. The SPA and Government of Malaysia, in considering any OKU application for employment in the public sector, must act consistently with Article 8(1) of the Federal Constitution and Section 29 of the Persons with Disabilities Act 2008. 2. A direction to quash the decision of the SPA and the Government of Malaysia in rejecting Baos application for the position of Pegawai Psikologi which was communicated to Bao on 8 February 2024. 3. Bao be granted an online interview and be allowed a psychometric examination for his application for the position of Pegawai Psikologi in a Klinik Kesihatan in Penang. 4. The SPA and the Government of Malaysia must ensure that Bao is not discriminated against on the basis of disability in any of his future applications for the position of Pegawai Psikologi. Justice Quay also found that there was a breach of legitimate expectation concerning the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) which prohibits discrimination against persons with disabilities. This case highlights the many discriminatory barriers that persons with disabilities face in Malaysia and it is time for the Government to urgently amend Article 8(2) of the Federal Constitution to expressly prohibit discrimination on the ground of disability. Similarly, urgent and comprehensive amendment of the Persons with Disabilities Act 2008 is essential to align it with the CRPD that Malaysia ratified in July 2010. All Malaysians with disabilities have a legitimate right to, and expectation of, not being discriminated against. We commend Baos courage in pursuing this legal challenge, and his Counsel Surendra Ananth for his tireless and passionate advocacy and commitment to disability justice. We thank the Malaysian Bar, represented by Shahareen Begum, for supporting this case as amicus curae.

both the environment and public health. Globally, plastic waste has reached alarming levels. According to recent data, only about 9 per cent of plastic waste is recycled, while a staggering 91 per cent is either incinerated, landfilled, or mismanaged often dumped directly into the ocean. The numbers are even bleaker when considering that the United States, the worlds largest plastic polluter, recycles just 5 per cent of its household plastic waste. In Malaysia, the situation is no different. The country generates millions of tonnes of plastic waste each year, much of which ends up in our waterways, polluting rivers, lakes, and coastal areas. **A glimpse into Malaysias plastic waste landscape** Malaysias waste management system faces many challenges. While recycling rates have improved in urban areas, large portions of plastic waste still end up in landfills or worse, are illegally dumped into rivers. The problem is compounded by the countrys reliance on single-use plastics, a habit deeply ingrained in everyday life. From food packaging to shopping bags, plastic products are cheap, convenient, and ubiquitous, making them difficult to avoid or replace. However, as global plastic production rises, the environmental toll on Malaysias natural resources becomes increasingly apparent. In the case of Malaysias water systems, plastic waste has a particularly devastating impact. Rivers in the country, like Klang and Gombak rivers, have become repositories for discarded plastics. These rivers, which flow through major urban centres, eventually feed into the ocean, carrying large quantities of waste along with them. Studies have shown that Malaysia is among the top 10 countries in the world contributing to plastic waste in the ocean. The vast amount of plastic entering water systems poses a direct threat to marine life, disrupts ecosystems, and harms local communities that depend on these waters for their livelihoods. **The illusion of recycling: Why Malaysia struggles** One of the biggest barriers to tackling plastic waste in Malaysia is the inefficiency of the recycling system. While there have been efforts to increase recycling, only certain types of plastic are actually being processed. Plastics like PET (#1) and HDPE (#2) are the most commonly recycled, but many other types are either too difficult to sort or not economically viable to recycle. The reality is that much of the plastic collected for recycling ends up being sent to landfills due to the high costs of processing and limited recycling infrastructure. The rise of flexible packaging, such as snack wrappers and food packets, has further complicated the issue. These multi-layered materials are difficult to recycle because they are often contaminated with food residues or consist of mixed plastics that require specialised sorting. Unfortunately, these types of packaging make up a large portion of plastic waste in our country, further overwhelming an already inefficient recycling system. Economically, the situation is even more challenging. Virgin plastic, produced from fossil fuels, is cheaper to manufacture than recycled plastic due to subsidies for the petroleum industry. This price disparity discourages the use of recycled materials in manufacturing, making it more profitable for companies to continue relying on new plastic production rather than recycling. With stronger regulations, improved recycling efforts and greater public awareness, Malaysia can take meaningful steps to reduce plastic waste. Plastic waste in our rivers and oceans doesnt just affect the environment; it has profound consequences for human health as well. As plastics break down in water, they release harmful chemicals into the ecosystem. These chemicals can contaminate drinking water, affecting communities that rely on rivers for their water supply. Additionally, as plastics degrade, they break into smaller particles known as microplastics which are nearly impossible to remove from the water. These tiny particles have been found in marine life, with evidence suggesting that they may enter the human food chain. The clogged waterways also lead to serious flooding, particularly in urban areas. When plastics accumulate in drains and riverbeds, they obstruct the flow of water, exacerbating the impact of heavy rains. This creates a dangerous cycle of waste build-up and flooding, which puts additional strain on Malaysias already burdened waste management systems. While the scale of the problem is daunting, there are steps that Malaysia can take to address plastic pollution in its waterways. One crucial strategy is to tackle plastic waste at the source. The government has already taken some steps in this direction, such as banning single-use plastic bags in certain states and introducing plastic waste management initiatives. However, these efforts need to be scaled up nationwide to effectively reduce the flow of plastic into water systems. Another important measure is improving the recycling infrastructure. By expanding facilities that can process a wider variety of plastics and creating a more efficient system for sorting and collecting recyclables, we could increase its recycling rate. Public awareness campaigns and community engagement are also key to encouraging proper disposal of plastic waste and reducing littering in rivers and urban areas. In addition, Malaysia should push for stronger policies that hold producers accountable for the plastics they create. The implementation of extended producer responsibility (EPR) programs would ensure that manufacturers are responsible for the collection and recycling of their products once they reach the end of their life cycle. Such policies have proven effective in other countries and could be a game-changer in reducing plastic waste in Malaysias waterways. Every plastic must be labelled too, to state if its recyclable or end of use. Plastic pollution is one of the most urgent environmental issues facing Malaysia today. With the majority of plastic waste ending up in landfills or waterways, the impact on our rivers and oceans is dire. However, with stronger regulations, improved recycling efforts and greater public awareness, Malaysia can take meaningful steps to reduce plastic waste and protect its valuable water systems for future generations. The time to act is now before the plastic crisis becomes irreparable. __(__****Ravindran Raman Kutty****__is an active social worker.)__

be rid of them because we now find that some of their daughters have been promoted into positions of influence. Like father, like daughter? Will the daughters continue the legacy of their fathers? Prior to GE15, we were led to believe by the Pakatan Harapan manifesto that the coalition would rid the nation of the culture of nepotism, patronage and corruption. No information was given for the length of her directorship, nor the reasons for appointing her. She also chairs another NGO called the Social Economic Research Initiative or SERI. An appointment letter allegedly signed by Higher Education Minister Zambry Abd Kadir stated that Nurul Hidayahs tenure would be for three years, starting from 2 January 2025. According to the news article in _Malaysiakini_, the letter stated that her appointment represented a knowledgeable and experienced composition in accordance with Subsection 18(1) of the UPM constitution. Wading into the furore was Gerakan President Dominic Lau, who accused Pakatan Harapan of having no will to reform political appointments when he described Nurul Hidayahs appointment to the UPM board. Malaysians must be thoroughly confused that out of the 15 million adult population of the country, it appears that we are extremely short of talent and must tap into the families of senior politicians to head various organisations. The Malaysian brain drain must be very serious indeed! Theirfathers position at the top of the greasy political ladder is seen by private companies or institutions as a good investment. As expected, Malaysians will demand to know why the top positions are filled by the progeny of senior politicians. Why was it allowed to happen? Was there any transparency in the appointments? We may think we live in a democracy but our society cannot dispense itself of its political patronage and feudalistic tendencies. Of equal interest is the noticeable absence of qualified individuals from the non-Malay/Muslim population for these appointments. Why is that? It is not true that there are none or few non-Malay individuals who have the requisite skills. What is going on? We want our politicians to think of the interests of the nation, and put the country first, and not their own self-serving agendas, or help their daughters in their career progression. We want them to promote people with the right qualifications, skills and experience, who have something to contribute to society and the nation. Not family members. All of Malaysias former prime ministers, including the sitting PM Anwar Ibrahim, are from the original Umno. A few may have left Umno-Baru and formed their own parties because of infighting or personality clashes, but essentially they all carry the same political genetic material that of Umno. In the past, it was alleged that government scholarships and multi-million ringgit contracts for major infrastructure projects were awarded to children of politicians and their cronies. Malaysians may recall how politicians children get their hands on taxpayers money via major government deals, like the provision of air-traffic control systems, and the recent National Feedlot Corporation (NFC) scandal. Incredibly, the sons and daughters of Malaysian politicians have a strong sense of entitlement which you rarely see in the children of Western leaders. The children of our politicians act like the world owes them a living! The organisations which are run by politicians children may think they are at an advantage to have ready access to the politician. Theirfathers position at the top of the greasy political ladder is seen by private companies or institutions as a good investment. It is an extension of the You help me (my child), I help you Umno-Baru culture, which the convicted felon Najib Abdul Razak first propagated in Sibu. There are companies which invest in access to confidential information, and maybe a chance to influence a particular government policy in the companys favour. One downside of engaging the boss daughter is that few will dare to challenge her and that cannot be good for any company or institution, especially when one wants truthful views or unbiased opinions. The Madani administration lacks principles and integrity, and should be ashamed for promoting nepotism.

the PM has his own considerations, but the timing of the Pahang Palaces confirmation of such a mysterious addendum is indeed interesting. The Pahang Palace issued a statement confirming the existence of the amnesty addendum on January 4, barely a day after Istana Negara issued a statement on the issue. The question now is: Is this amnesty addendum in compliance with the procedures? Why has the government tried to conceal its presence? And why is it not executing it? Who least wants to see Najib out of prison? Why is PAS so enthusiastic in getting Najib out? Opposition parties, in particular PAS and Bersatu, have been vociferously slamming Anwar for not carrying out and hiding the royal edict. Umno has even expressed dissatisfaction with party president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi for stopping party members from holding a rally outside the Palace of Justice in Putrajaya on January 6 in support of Najib. This means the country's political situation will remain unsettling until the Parliament is dissolved, and betrayals, collaboratio

Sea heightened uneasy among regional and global stakeholders. Additionally, South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol was impeached after declaring martial law, seen as an attempted self-coup. These events collectively underscore a year of profound geopolitical challenges and shifting power dynamics on the global stage. In contrast, Malaysia remains relatively peaceful, with external conflicts limited to overlapping territorial claims in the South China Sea. However, this ranking raises the question of whether it truly reflects Malaysia's proactive efforts in Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) or simply mirrors the regions relative stability. Historical GPI map visualisations show that the ASEAN region has remained predominantly peaceful, except for Myanmar. Beyond ranking among the top 10 in GPI 2024, Malaysias position and score have steadily improved over the past decade. Notably, the 2024 evaluation shows a significant improvement compared to previous years. Our overall GPI score decreased from 1.659 in 2014 to 1.427 in 2024, marking our lowest score to date (_Figure 1A_). Across the three domains and 23 indicators, we attained the minimum possible score of 1 in On-going Domestic and International Conflict, 1.229 in Militarisation (our third-lowest in a decade), and 1.818 in Societal Safety and Security, the lowest in the past ten years. It is important to note that the GPI 2024 evaluations primarily use historical data, mainly from 2023 and earlier. For example, the Level of Perceived Criminality in Society indicator uses 2023 data, while the Level of Violent Crime indicator covers March 2023 to March 2024. Malaysias GTI score, also published by the IEP, has significantly improved from 3.04 in GTI 2014 to 0.192 in GTI 2024 (lower scores indicate better performance) (_Figure 1B_). The IEP has identified a strong correlation between the GTI and GPI, where countries with lower GPI scores (indicating higher peace levels) typically score lower on the GTI (reflecting a reduced terrorism impact). For Malaysia, this relationship is significant and logical, as the GTI is a component of the GPI, and decreased terrorist activities generally signify a more peaceful society. However, the absence of visible violence should not lead to complacency. While declining violence levels are commendable, the critical question is the sustainability of this improvement. Can Malaysia maintain its peace in an increasingly chaotic world? The PPR assesses a countrys positive peace the **attitudes, institutions, and structures that create and sustain a peaceful society**. Unlike the GPI and GTI, which measure the absence of violence and terrorism, the PPR evaluates a countrys **capacity to foster resilience against radicalisation and violence and its ability to maintain peaceful conditions in the future**. Regarding our PPR performance, it diverges from the GPI and GTI trends. Malaysias Positive Peace Index (PPI) score fluctuated until a significant improvement in 2019. However, since then it rose to a historical high of 2.738, indicating reduced resilience against violence (_Figure 2_). To address significant disparities where a countrys GPI-measured peace outpaces its PPI level, the IEP has developed a new classification system, categorising countries into three groups: ** Positive Peace Deficit**: Countries with GPI ranking at least 20 places higher than their PPI, **lacking elements of positive peace** despite no active conflict or violence. ** Positive Peace Surplus**: Countries with GPI ranking is at least 20 places lower than their PPI, maintaining negative peace the absence of direct violence or conflict and possessing abundant elements of **sustainable** positive peace. ** Stable Countries**: Countries with GPI and PPI ranking differences within 20 places, balancing negative and positive peace elements without significant deficits nor surpluses. Essentially, a nation may appear peaceful externally but **lack the critical structures to sustain peace during stress or upheaval**. IEPs analysis found that **90 per cent of countries with the highest Positive Peace deficits in 2009 experienced significant peace declines in the subsequent years**, with internal peace scores dropping by 11 per cent from 2009 to 2023, compared to a global average decline of 4 per cent. As for Malaysia, since 2015, **it has consistently been in the Positive Peace Deficit category, with its deficit widening over time **(_Figure 3_). Exceptions occurred in 2016 and 2017, when the GPI rankings exceeded the PPI by only 18 and 17, respectively. Despite maintaining a Positive Peace Deficit for nearly a decade, Malaysia has significantly improved its GPI scores, which theoretically should have been adversely affected. This contradicts the IEPs prediction that a high Positive Peace Deficit leads to lower Internal Peace Scores, especially since Internal Peace indicators account for 60 per cent of the GPI. This inconsistency requires critical examination. One possibility is that the deficit, though dangerously increasing, hasnt yet reached a threshold to start impacting internal peace. Alternatively, certain factors (GPI Internal Peace indicators) such as homicide rates, incarceration rates, and access to small arms may be underreported, preventing a decline in Internal Peace scores. Further investigation into these areas is essential to comprehensively understanding the dynamics behind Malaysia's unexpected improvements in GPI scores despite the on-going Positive Peace Deficit. This ensures the broader context is not overlooked. Moreover, the declining PPI score, as a better measure of societal resilience against radicalisation, violent extremism, and terrorism, warrants significant concern and should be the primary focus of MyPCVE initiatives and beyond. Positive peace encompasses more than the absence of conflict; it includes social justice, equality, robust institutions, effective governance, economic stability, environmental sustainability, and harmonious citizen relationships. Failure to address these issues may result in the persistent Positive Peace Deficit and deteriorating PPI catching up with Malaysia. In 2024, the nation witnesses multiple violent crimes resembling terror attacks, including Molotov cocktail attacks on convenience stores, threats and assaults against governing party politicians, and a death threat against lawyer Nik Elin Zurina Nik Abdul Rashid for challenging the constitutionality of 16 Kelantan Syariah criminal provisions. These cases remain unsolved in the public domain. Additionally, the fatal attack of Ulu Tiram police station by a Jemaah Islamiyah follower, a designated terrorist organisation in Malaysia, underscores the escalating threat. As the global pivot towards the Indo-Pacific is poised to usher in heightened regional competition for resources and, hence, increased risks of violent extremism and terrorism, the intensifying power struggle and rising global extremism underscores the urgent need for proactive preventive measures over ineffective reactive approaches. _(_**Chia Chu Hang**_ is a Research Assistant at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.)_

who question Umnos desire to change and be part of the PH and Unity Government coalition now and the future. There are four factions in Umno with respect to the Najib case and future, from my reading of Malay politics. All except one of these groups have their own agenda except the pity or love of Najib, to my mind. Its just another day of politics in Malaysia. Firstly, let us go through who are these groups who will be outshouting one another on Monday. The first group of Umno, in my political crystal ball, is the one who wants to oust Zahid Hamidi. These are probably people Zahid has sacked or sent into limbo. This group is the enemy of Zahid and will do anything and everything to dethrone Zahid so that they can come up on top. This group wants to rule Umno and Malaysia, preferably without Najib. The second group of Umno members are those who have already made secret deals perhaps with PAS. Umno members will never work with Bersatu as this party is seen as traitors. This group wants to outmanoeuvre Zahid so that he has no choice but to work with PAS and GPS, with GRS falling in line after. This group will never make Najib the boss again but appoint one of their own who will then be the new Prime Minister of Malaysia. Not Najib. Najib can go back to prison for all this group care. Of course, this is my reading only. All the groups have their own agendas and three of them could not care two cents for Najib. The third group of Umno members wants Najib back as the President of Umno. Of course, as President, then he can be appointed as the Prime Minister again. This group is small in number but the members are Najib loyalists from the start to finish. This group rises and falls with Najib in whatever fate delivers. The last group is actually the members who wish Najib to remain in prison. Why? Well, obviously the Queen Bee will never tolerate another Queen Bee. Only one may be Queen of a nest. But this group needs to be seen to support the rally and the Najib house arrest. They have no choice. This group also has a unique opportunity to identify clearly who are in the three other groups. If Najib comes out or in house arrest, he will exert an influence that would jeopardise whoever holds the reign of power presently. Thus, dear Malaysians, this is an Umno affair. Let us sit back and enjoy the melodrama. All the groups have their own agendas and three of them could not care two cents for Najib. These three groups either have to show loyalty by demonstration or they need to make sure that their loud voices drown others and force the destruction of the Unity Government. PAS is rooting for the three groups in Umno. It does not care who becomes the Prime Minister as long as it sits in a new government and have many positions that pay lucrative salaries and allowances while not doing anything at all. There may be many special ambassador posts like the ones given before that have no KPI except using as much fund as the positions can bleed the rakyat. So, we the rakyat should not say anything. Umno is within its own right to rally for their fallen leader. To the eyes of many, this is true loyalty, but to the trained eye, this is just another day in politics of which 75 per cent outcome is NOT seeing Najib back in the seat of power. __(__**Prof Dr. Mohd Tajuddin Mohd Rasdi**__is Professor of Architecture at a local university and his writing reflects his own personal opinion entirely.)__

Address and in recent years has held a Plenary Meeting of the Central Committee of the Workers Party of Korea at the end of December to discuss policies for the new year. This year, he has emphasised the local economy on the domestic front and taken a hard line against the United States and South Korea on the foreign front. In general, it is a continuation of the previous policy. As the 9th Congress of the Workers Party of Korea is scheduled to be held in January next year, this year will be the last year of the five-year plan unveiled in 2021, and results in all areas will be urgently needed. Immediately after the conclusion of the plenary meeting, Kim Jong Un visited the Kalma Coastal Tourist Area under construction in Wonsan on the Sea of Japan side and boasted that it will become a world famous attraction. The sprawling resort, complete with a luxury hotel, is scheduled to open in June this year. Kim Jong Un said that the area should be visited not only by North Koreans but also by friends from all over the world, so it is likely that they will resume accepting foreign tourists other than Russians this year. At the plenary meeting, Kim Jong Un called the United States the most reactionary state and spoke of adopting the toughest counteraction strategy. He called South Korea an anti-communist outpost for the US. He made clear his confrontational stance toward the United States and South Korea and his policy of strengthening military power, but overall there were few concrete references. The December before last, Kim Jong Un predicted that three reconnaissance satellites would be launched by 2024, but this did not materialise, which may have had an impact. One area that has changed from a year ago is the relationship with China and Russia. Previously, North Korean media frequently published congratulatory telegrams exchanged by Kim Jong Un with the leaders of China and Russia, but recently only the telegram from President Putin has been prominent. On December 30 in 2024, it was reported that Kim Jong Un had sent a New Years letter to Putin, his closest friend and comrade. While there have been active high-level exchanges between North Korea and Russia over the past year, there have been no summits, let alone ministerial-level exchanges, between the Xi Jinping administration and the North. It is clear that relations with China are strained, and this was evident in Kim Jong Uns speech at the plenary meeting. This years goal has been toned down to promote relations with friendly countries. Last year, he was proactive, saying, It should set the development of relations with socialist countries as its primary task and launch a courageous anti-imperialist joint action and joint struggle on an international scale. While North Korea has formed a military alliance with Russia, a non-socialist country, and touted its close relationship with it, even sending troops to the Ukraine war, it has distanced itself from China. China, which also values trade with the United States, cannot take anti-imperialist joint action with North Korea. In order to pursue the _Juche_ (self-reliance) idea and the independent course, which are the cornerstones of North Korea, it would be more advantageous to conduct equal-distance diplomacy with both China and Russia, but the present situation is clearly unbalanced and leaning to one side. There is no particular change in North Korea, which is trying to strengthen its military power by openly expressing its hostility toward the United States and South Korea, which support Ukraine, and trying to curry favour with Russia. Pyongyang is functioning as usual and stable. On the other hand, the increasing unpredictability of the United States and South Korea is worrying. It is not yet clear what policy the new president, Donald Trump, will pursue toward North Korea. In March 2018, Trump suddenly declared that he would hold a summit between North Korea and the United States, but in May, angered by North Koreas arrogant attitude, he said he would not do so. However, he did go to Singapore in June. In addition, the situation in South Korea will continue to be chaotic because of the self-righteous President Yoon Suk Yeol. It is unclear who will become president in a few months, and it is not unlikely that South Koreas policy toward North Korea will change dramatically. The North Korean media did not report on Trumps re-election at all, and barely mentioned the fluid situation in South Korea. A year ago, Kim Jong Un hinted at a change in the national policy of reunification of the country, but there was no mention of it at this meeting. He may have actually made a statement, but at least it was not made public. Since Yoon Suk Yeol announced emergency martial law on December 3, 2024, North Korean media criticism of South Korea has gone completely silent. Yoon Suk Yeol, who called North Korea a thug and a political outsider, has himself fallen from grace, and any words or actions that could be considered provocative would only embolden conservative forces in South Korea. It would be better for North Korea to keep quiet for the time being. _(_**Atsuhito Isozaki**_is Professor at Keio University, Japan.)_

save our next generation? Where exactly does the problem lie? Should we put away all our mobile devices and move back to a caveman's hideout, or let technology drag us into the abyss of the wired black hole? Perhaps the answer is not that complicated after all. Instead of shunning it, perhaps it is best for us to learn to live peacefully with technology, master and make good use of it, and not be subjugated by it, at the same time taking active steps to comprehend the meaning of life! Now, let us take a look at the steps adopted by some countries in more recent years: Swedish students still had a learning terminal in their hands back in 2006, as textbooks got gradually digitalised. Nevertheless, by 2022 the country's education ministry came to see the negative impact of electronic devices on the students' learning process, as children were found to be unable to focus on their schoolwork for protracted periods of time, could not think deeply nor read or write long sentences. Teaching policies were subsequently reviewed, and the authorities actively called for "de-digitalisation", and attached importance to physical textbooks and hands-on writing once again. The Netherlands does not have any law governing the minimum age of social media users, but the government has gradually banned the use of mobile phones, smartwatches, tablets and other electronic devices at primary and secondary schools across the country since last January, with the exceptions of computer classes, medical needs, and certain circumstances. Replacing physical textbooks with electronic devices in class has rendered Finnish teenagers easily distracted and difficult to concentrate. As a result, some schools have begun to revert to physical textbooks, cutting back the use of electronic devices such as laptops. The Finnish government plans to introduce reforms at primary schools, including strengthening the management of students' mobile phone usage. The government hopes to clarify through laws as to the powers schools and teachers may have in restricting the students mobile phone use. On November 28, a bill was passed to ban children under the age of 16 from using social media one of the most stringent in the world against Big Tech. In June 2023, France passed a law requiring social media platforms to verify the age of their users. Minors under the age of 15 must obtain parental consent to open social media accounts. The UK Online Safety Act will be put into implementation from 2025, setting stricter criteria on certain parameters such as age limits, for social media platforms like Facebook, YouTube and TikTok. Many states in the United States have tightened supervision over social media use by minors. Among the bills passed or drafted are the Maryland Kids Code, Stop Addictive Feeds Exploitation for Kids Act, the New York Child Data Protection Act, Children's Online Privacy Protection Act, and Children's Internet Safety Act. In 2019, the Cyberspace Administration of China (CAC) promoted the "Youth Mode" to regulate minors' online browsing behaviours, prohibiting minors from using mobile devices to access the Internet between 10 pm and 6 am. In August 2023, the CAC announced draft guidelines to restrict the daily smartphone use of minors aged 16 to 18 to not more than two hours, and one hour for those between 8 and 16.

the victims of the tragedy, Transport Minister Anthony Loke then ordered an urgent probe into the crash. His predecessor, Wee Ka Siong, wrote on his Facebook page that he hoped a task force or a special team would be established to begin a thorough investigation to ensure that similar accidents will not recur. Wee expressed a worrying trend involving lorries, and he quoted a recent special report by _Sinar Harian_ whereby Bukit Aman Traffic Investigation and Enforcement Department Director Mohd Yusri Hassan Basri said that 825 fatal accidents involving lorries in the first 10 months of 2024 had been recorded. On average that would be about three accidents a day. Malaysians are familiar with driver attitude, unlicensed drivers, non-roadworthy and dangerous vehicles, arrogant and dangerous drivers, road rages, _Mat Rempits_, and badly maintained vehicles. Weve heard of coach drivers driving under the influence of drugs. Drunk drivers who should not have been behind the wheel. Weve read about young children, some under 10 years old, taking their parents cars sometimes with their knowledge for a spin on the roads close to their homes. There are thousands of teenagers who ride their motorbikes without a licence, and scores of thousands of Malaysians driving cars without a valid driving licence. The Ayer Keroh accident has exposed the failures of the officials at Puspakom to properly conduct an inspection on a vehicle to see if it is road-worthy. The allegation is that some companies will rent a lorry tyre for a day just to pass the vehicle inspection. Others allege that officials are paid to close one eye and pass a vehicle as roadworthy, even when it is not. All because of profit margins, companies are happy to cut corners. All because people are greedy, corrupt officials are prepared to close an eye. These officials, if they are investigated and found to have acted with extreme irresponsibility, should be tried in court, and if found guilty, should be severely punished. The consequences of their failure to discharge their duties mean that accidents have occurred, some with serious injuries, and sadly, deaths. Probes are conducted after each serious accident. Weve had several probes but did we learn anything from them? The accidents keep recurring despite the various measures recommended after the last tragic accident. When Malaysians _balik kampung_ for Hari Raya, Chinese New Year, Deepavali or any other major festival, many wonder if they will reach their destinations safely, if at all. The same thought probably passes through the mind of any passenger on an express or tourist bus. Any parent who waves goodbye to his child travelling on a school coach to take part in a field trip is probably on tenterhooks till the child phones to say he has arrived safely at his destination. If the authorities are serious about restoring public confidence in road travel, they must change their work culture and focus on processes, relationship, management and leadership. However, the accidents keep recurring despite the various measures recommended after the last tragic accident. Malaysians now wonder if any probe done is of any use. We don't want a quick fix. We want recommendations to be strictly implemented and enforced, with each transport agency doing its duty. Some say, It does not matter who the minister is, he will fail. The same thing will happen again and again. Malaysians are resigned to the fact that things wont change no matter who the transport minister is. Why are we subjected to the drip-drip release of new regulations after a serious accident when we also discover that previous recommendations were never fully implemented? Some findings will be announced to the public with corrective actions. These corrective actions are short-lived. The authorities often overlook one important consideration driver-related safety and health matters. Poor pay will force drivers to work several shifts without adequate rest, and this possibly contributes towards more crashes. Sometimes, these drivers lack sleep and will take drugs to try to keep awake. Is there an effective complaints system for the public to report transport problems and abuses? We need zero tolerance to bad driving habits and we must inculcate good driving practices. The deterrent should be a severe punishment comprising individual fines, penalty points, revoking of licences (personal and company), or incarceration. Company directors could be fined and jailed for the failure of their employees/company to comply with the law. Companies could be made to cease operations. Time, money and good management are necessary before any improvements can take effect. There will never be a 100 per cent safe transport system but much can be done to minimise the dangers through a comprehensive and tough education, training and development regime. We don't want a quick fix. We want recommendations to be strictly implemented and enforced, with each transport agency doing its duty. Only strong political will and leadership can improve our transportation problems.

1944 Bretton Woods conference outcome was primarily a compromise between the US and the UK. In 1971, when its Bretton Woods obligations threatened to undermine its privileges, President Richard Nixon refused to honour the US pledge to deliver an ounce of gold for US$35. Over two decades later, President Bill Clinton promised a new international financial architecture. Several issues are emerging as G77 priorities for FfD4. In 1970, wealthy nations at the UN agreed to provide 0.7 per cent of their national income annually as official development assistance (ODA). This was much lower than the 2 per cent initially proposed by the World Council of Churches and others. Only 0.3 per cent has been delivered in recent years, or less than half the promise. Most ODA conditions reflect the priorities of donors, not recipient countries. New aid definitions, conditions, and practices undermine aid effectiveness, reducing what developing nations receive. Despite breaking its ODA promises, the new European Parliament voted overwhelmingly to contribute 0.25 per cent of national income to Ukraine. By early December 2024, Europe had provided well over half the US$260 billion in aid to Ukraine! Some European nations now insist that only mitigation qualifies as climate finance. Although most developing countries are tropical and struggling to cope with planetary heating, little assistance is available for adaptation. More recently, developing countries new debt has been more commercial and conditional but less concessional. With the transition to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, the World Bank encouraged much more commercial borrowing with its new slogan, from billions to trillions. Following the 2008 global financial crisis, Western countries adopted unconventional monetary policies, eschewing fiscal efforts. Quantitative easing enabled much more borrowing, which grew until 2022. However, most Western governments did not borrow much. Some private interests borrowed heavily, often for unproductive purposes, with some using cheap funds to finance shareholder buyouts to get more wealth. Meanwhile, many developing countries went on borrowing binges as creditors pushed debt in developing countries in various ways. Rapidly mounting government debt would soon become problematic. From early 2022 until mid-2024, interest rates rose sharply, ostensibly to counter inflation. The US Fed and European Central Bank raised interest rates in concert, triggering massive capital outflows from developing countries with the poorest worst affected. A third priority is reforming multilateral financial institutions. While these institutions have changed much over time, they remain dominated by the Global North, especially the West. Most countries at the 1944 Bretton Woods conference were from Latin America. Initially, 47 per cent of voting rights were the standard basic votes for all members. By 2008, Global South membership had increased several-fold as its votes fell to 11 per cent. The West, especially Europe, still dominates the International Monetary Fund. Many alternative governance arrangements have been proposed. Consideration of alternative regional monetary arrangements grew after the 1997-98 Asian financial crises. The Latin American Reserve Fund (FLAR) was created later in 2014. The Global South has long wanted the UN to lead negotiations on international taxation arrangements to provide more financial resources for development. However, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) rich nations club has long undermined developing countries interests. The OECD achieved this by misleading finance ministries in developing countries. It bypassed foreign ministries that had long worked well together on contentious Global South issues. With the OECD making up new rules for the world, developing country finance ministries signed on to a biased tax proposal on which they were nominally consulted. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen counter-proposed a 21 per cent rate, the US minimum rate. However, at the G7 meeting he was hosting, Boris Johnson pushed this down to 15 per cent while adding exemptions, reducing likely revenue. Instead of distributing revenue as with a corporate income tax on profits from production, the OECD proposed revenue sharing according to consumption spending, much like a sales tax. Poor countries would receive little as their population can afford to spend much less, even if they produce much at low wages. Rather than progressively redistribute, OECD international corporate income tax revenue distribution would be regressive. The US dollar remains the worlds principal currency for international transactions. US Treasury bond sales enable this, subsidising the worlds largest economy. This can be done without Congressional approval, as happened after the 2008 global financial crisis and the Covid-19 outbreak. Such resources can be committed to the SDGs and climate finance. But this cannot happen without collective action by the Global South seriously mobilising behind pacifist, developmental non-alignment. Inclusive and sustainable development is impossible in a world at war. __(__****Jomo Kwame Sundaram****__was an economics professor and United Nations Assistant Secretary-General for Economic Development.)__

and shifting global dynamics, the year ahead will test Indonesias resilience and strategic agility. Indonesias 2024 economic performance was commendable in many respects. The economy is projected to grow by 5.02 per cent year-on-year (y-o-y), supported by solid direct investments and resilient exports, particularly in commodities such as palm oil and nickel. However, beneath these achievements lie structural challenges. Weak household consumption, a volatile rupiah trading between Rp15,800 to 16,200 against the US dollar, and diminished investor confidence in local equities painted a mixed picture. Trumps re-election and its impact on the US monetary policy add a layer of complexity to Indonesias fiscal and monetary landscape. Trumps fiscal expansion, characterised by tax cuts and aggressive spending, raises inflationary expectations in the US, prompting the Federal Reserve to maintain or slow its rate-cut trajectory. For Indonesia, this translates into sustained capital outflows, a weakening rupiah (forecasted to drop to Rp16,500 per US dollar in 2025), and limited room for monetary easing. Bank Indonesia (BI) is likely to cut its policy rate modestly to 5.75 per cent, but fiscal policy will need to play a bigger role in supporting economic growth. The fiscal landscape for 2025 is one of heightened tension. Indonesias fiscal deficit, projected at 2.9 per cent of GDP, is driven by a Rp100 trillion revenue shortfall and an additional Rp130 trillion in unplanned spending, which comes on top of an already ambitious budget. This expansion in government spending is necessary to fund critical infrastructure projects, green energy initiatives and social programs. However, it also adds significant pressure to fiscal management. The governments reliance on increased bond issuance to finance this deficit introduces additional risks. Rising global bond yields, driven by US monetary policy, will narrow the yield spread between Indonesian and US government bonds, making local bonds less attractive to international investors. This could lead to higher borrowing costs for the government, potentially crowding out private investment and slowing economic momentum. The weaker rupiah further complicates matters. A depreciating currency increases the cost of servicing foreign-denominated debt and raises the price tag for importing critical materials needed for infrastructure and energy projects. This adds additional strain to a fiscal position already under pressure from global volatility. Revenue mobilisation will be critical in addressing these fiscal challenges. The planned VAT increase to 12 per cent in 2025 is a step in the right direction to bolster revenue, but it must be managed carefully to avoid suppressing household consumption. Expanding the tax base, improving compliance, and leveraging digital tools for more efficient tax collection will also be vital. Moreover, exploring alternative financing mechanisms, such as green bonds and _sukuk (_Sharia-compliant bonds), could attract specialised investors while aligning with global sustainability goals. Despite these challenges, Trumps second term also opens doors for Indonesia. His preference for bilateral trade agreements offers an opportunity to negotiate focused and mutually beneficial deals. By strengthening trade relations with the US, Indonesia can secure better market access for its key commodities and value-added products. Furthermore, Trumps on-going trade tensions with China create room for Indonesia to position itself as a strategic player in global supply chains. Accelerated regulatory reforms and infrastructure development will be key to attracting foreign direct investment, but competition from regional peers such as Vietnam and Thailand will remain fierce. Indonesias commitment to renewable energy and digital transformation provides a strong foundation for future growth. The governments plan to attract $30 billion (RM135 billion) in green investments and achieve 75 GW of renewable energy capacity by 2040 aligns with global trends and investor priorities. Meanwhile, the digital economy, projected to grow by 14 per cent y-o-y, offers immense potential for innovation, inclusivity and productivity gains. These efforts underscore the importance of maintaining fiscal discipline to ensure that these transformative initiatives can be funded sustainably. Domestically, Indonesia must address its structural challenges to remain competitive. Simplifying regulations, improving infrastructureand reducing logistical inefficiencies will be critical to maintaining investor confidence. Additionally, fostering innovation in green energy and digital technology will position Indonesia as a leader in Southeast Asias economic transformation. By leveraging its regional leadership within ASEAN, Indonesia can also build stronger partnerships to mitigate the risks of Trumps protectionist policies. As we move into 2025, Indonesia stands at the crossroads of uncertainty and opportunity. Trumps second term is a reminder that global dynamics can shift rapidly, reshaping the rules of engagement in trade, financeand geopolitics. For Indonesia, the road ahead will not be without challenges;currency pressures, fiscal constraints, and the complexities of global protectionism will test our resilience. But history has shown that we are a nation that thrives on adaptability. From the shocks of 2016 to the pandemic recovery, Indonesia has repeatedly demonstrated its capacity to rise above adversity. This year is our chance to chart a new course, one that balances ambition with pragmatism, risks with opportunities, and domestic priorities with global realities. The stakes are high, but so are the rewards. By embracing bold reforms, fostering innovationand strengthening partnerships, Indonesia can not only navigate this era of uncertainty but emerge stronger, more inclusiveand globally competitive. This is not just a test of our economy,it is a testament to our vision and determination.

downward spiral of violence. All that changed on December 8, 2024: Damascus fell into the hands of the rebels of Hay 'at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). It was a moment no one could have imagined just 24 hours earlier. Without prior warning or arrangements, Abu Mohammad al-Jolani, the leader of HTS, made a surprising visit to the Great Umayyad Mosque in Old Damascus in Syria. According to BBC, the only Western news agency to have reported from Damascus, seeing him from just a few metres away felt surreal. Again, why? To be sure, this mosque has long been a symbolic site where Bashar al-Assad and his late father, Hafez al-Assad, would often perform Eid prayers a symbolic act for the rulers of the capital. Yet, Bashar al-Assad had fallen and, together with him and his family, their half a century of iron grip on Syria. The gun fires that rattled off into the air were deafening and jubilant. The air was filled with a sense of ebullience. Notwithstanding the fact that some US$300 billion, at the minimal, according to Alistair Cooke, a top MENA expert, is needed to help the reconstruction of Syria. Indeed, in parts or in whole. Regardless of what may come after, whether this is another unstable period that arches into the modern history of an unstable Syria indefinitely, the key is Syria has followed a plot that the world has actually been witnessing over the course of the last one year. No. Not the genocide in Gaza or the war in Lebanon, for that matter, anything contiguous in the MENA, but event in Asia Indo Pacific and the European Union (EU). How? In the former, Indonesians had conducted and completed a one-day election in February 2024 to give a conclusive victory to President Prabowo Subianto. At least conclusive enough to spare Prabowo a second-round run-off in April. Syrians, at some point in the future, is poised to have an election to cement the rule of HTS without which it would be lacking on legitimacy. Even the lifting of the US$10 million bounty of Mohammad Al Jolani, the leader of the HTS, by the US last week, isn't enough. Granted that Indonesia is the most pivotal power in the Indo-Asia Pacific region, with the widest geographical berth, where its wing span stretches from one end of France to the very border that connects Turkey and Syria in actual mileage, one is speaking of a seascape that extends from the Indian Ocean to the South Pacific. The led, led collectively by the South Pacific Forum (SPF) is increasing in geopolitical importance. This is where the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) will have deeper connection with Timor-Leste as a full member of ASEAN by the middle or end of 2025. More context is needed to understand how events in Syria can benefit Prime Anwar Ibrahim of Malaysia and President Prabowo Subianto of Indonesia. To begin with, Anwar Ibrahim has met with Prabowo five times in 2024 alone, all of which had face-to-face components between two of the closest leaders in the Straits of Malacca Anwar also had four more meetings with Prime Minister Lawrence Wong of Singapore. Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore are three of the littoral states of the strategic Straits of Malacca. All three states are now at the fore of what Anwar called the Asian Renaissance. The relevance of the fall of Damascus to Asian Renaissance is that even Syria, with the right backing, in this case Trkiye guiding HTS to rise up against Bashar al-Assad in the most surgical of manners, people's revolution for once do not have to be full of blood and gore that one has come to witness in Gaza, Lebanon, West Bank, Iraq, Iran and Yemen. In Japan, despite a low electoral turnout of less than 40 per cent in November 2024, where the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its coalition partner lost hundreds of seats, Prime Minister Ishiba Shigeru was still safely elected as the minority Prime Minister of Japan. In South Korea, when President Yoon Suk Yeol unilaterally declared then tried to impose the martial law in the late night of December 3, his antics were not tolerated by his own ruling party, the People's Progressive Party (PPP), nor the opposition Democratic Party (DP). Again, there was no blood shed. Not unlike how HTS came to power with the backing of Trkiye, a Strategic Sectoral Partner of ASEAN since 2010. In South Korea, the martial law lasted no more than six hours, with millions of South Koreans calling for President Yoon's impeachment, a case which is now in the hands of six judges of the Korean Supreme Court. While the first impeachment failed on December 7, the DP promised to keep calling for a full impeachment by the Korean Supreme Court. The streets were not bloodied. Meanwhile, the PPP had stripped Yoon of any powers to make any defence and foreign policy. Further afield in South Asia, the ruling BJP in India failed to garner the 350 seats required in parliament. It, too, had to accept the will of the people, especially those from the south, to govern as a coalition government. Again, no massive violence. In Pakistan, while the people's unrest against the government has shown signs of social breakdown. The goal of the protest is simple: to have Imran Khan, the former Prime Minister of Pakistan, released from political detention. Anwar is a close friend of Imran, but neither Anwar nor Prabowo want to see more blood being spilled in Pakistan. In Bangladesh, students have also risen up to get rid of the government of former Prime Minister Sheik Hasina. Again, without much bloodshed, if at all. Two years prior in China, when the population could not tolerate the Zero-Covid policy anymore, the spontaneous outburst of their unhappiness in the streets, often singing their national anthem, also influenced the government to relent on the policy to allow a swift transition to normalcy. For what it is worth, Anwar has been to all these countries. More importantly, Anwar has formed a strong relationship with each of the leaders of these governments to encourage them to take Asian Renaissance seriously. Invariably, one driven by creative social forces backed by enlightened or civilisational governance, one not entirely different from Malaysias concept of Madani (Civilised Polity). It should be remembered that Anwar did not articulate the concept of Madani on a whim. Prabowo and Indonesians see eye-to-eye on the importance of Masyarakat Sivil (civil society), which is another tag for Madani since Anwar spoke of this concept in Indonesia in 1994. If anything, Madani is based on the historical example of how Prophet Muhammad had once governed Medina prior to returning to Mecca in triumph. No one was persecuted in Mecca. The takeover was peaceful, just and civil. To guide Mecca away from _jahiliyah_ or widespread ignorance. Education and persuasion were two methods prioritised by Prophet Muhammad. In Medina, Prophet Muhammad set the necessary rules and regulations in the early part of the 7th century A.D., a full six hundred years before Magna Carta in 1215 A.D. Magna Carta was issued in June 1215 and was the first document to put into writing the principle that the king and his government were not above the law. Syria under HTS, indeed, the tutelage of Trkiye, is trying to do the same as this is written. Prime among the rule of law is to prevent the king or any extra-judicial authorities from exploiting their power and to place limits of royal authority by establishing law as a power in itself. If one were to refer to the EU, the same human agency can be seen. Take the EU parliamentary elections in July 2024 for example. In the EU, while emotions were running high between the political left and right, all 27 member states were able to have their EU parliamentary elections without any incidents too in 2024. When the United Kingdom and France proceeded to have their parliamentary elections in July and August respectively, both proceeded without any incidents too. Again, the agency of the vox populi was at work in the EU, just as it did in the UK, where the Labour Party roamed to the massive electoral landslide in July. When Romanias first round parliamentary and presidency were deemed to have been influenced by Russia, the results were annulled to allow a new one to proceed in December. In the US, the election of November 5 has allowed Donald Trump and the Republican Party to return triumphantly in the White House, Senate, and the House of Representatives. While Syria has a long way to go before the world can acknowledge it as a stable and prosperous polity, Trkiye Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan affirmed at the Doha Forum on December 8 that all efforts are now underway to work with the Astana Group of Countries as well as the United Nations and the US. Indeed, to ensure the stabilisation of Syria. The three countries sponsoring the Astana process, along with five Arab states, have called for the launch of a political process in Syria based on the UN Security Council Resolution 2254. The call came in a joint statement issued on December 7, following a meeting in Doha, Qatar, attended by the foreign ministers of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Jordan and Qatar. The Astana process was represented by the foreign ministers of Trkiye and Iran, along with a representative from Russia. As a legal entity, ASEAN, whose chairman is now Anwar, there is no doubt that he would like all ten countries of ASEAN, indeed the eleven Dialogue Partners of ASEAN, to back Syria to become a functional and civilised polity again. HTS should take heed of the current goodwill that it has from the world rather than to fall into the trap of extremist religious and tribal, sectarian ideology witnessed in the likes of Afghanistan. When ASEAN and Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have their summit in Kuala Lumpur again in 2025, the top leaders of Australia, China, India, Japan, South Korea and the US, all of which are the Comprehensive Strategic Partners of ASEAN and East Asian Summit (EAS), must be in Kuala to strengthen Syria and to put an end to more crisis in West Asia, otherwise known as the Middle East. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has started the process. Anwar, a close friend and equal of the President of Trkiye, has one year to work with all sides to deliver a global resurgence in civility. For what it is worth, to jointly meet the planetary crisis of climate change. Whether this be in the Global North or South. In this vein, ASEAN gained too when Bashar Assad is toppled in Syria, and HTS is back in the saddled closely monitored by Trkiye. Indonesia gains from the collapse of Syria too since Anwar would be at the side to work with Prabowo to urge ASEAN to nudge the world to make Syria comply with the UN Resolution 2254, which is welcome by Russia and China, too. (_(_**Dr Phar Kim Beng**_is Expert Committee Member of the Centre of Regional Strategic Studies, CROSS, and Professor of ASEAN Studies at the International Islamic University of Malaysia.)_

participation in recycling and exacerbates environmental pollution. To bridge this gap, Malaysia's Ministry of Housing and Local Government must enforce mandatory recycling labels, drawing insights from global leaders in waste management. **The role of recycling labels in waste management** Recycling labels play an indispensable role in waste management by educating consumers and streamlining recycling processes. When packaging clearly indicates its recyclability and provides disposal instructions, it: Many consumers are unsure how to properly dispose of various materials. Recycling labels empower them with the necessary knowledge to engage actively in waste segregation. Labels on plastic bottles indicating they are made from recyclable PET can guide consumers to dispose of them in designated bins, enhancing recycling rates. The mixing of non-recyclable materials with recyclables often leads to the rejection of entire batches of recycling. Clear labels help minimise contamination, making recycling efforts more efficient. Malaysians often dispose of _nasi lemak_ wrappers, tissues, and used coffee cups contaminated with food waste in recycling bins. Proper labelling can prevent such mishaps. Recycling logos and instructions serve as constant reminders, prompting individuals to adopt environmentally friendly habits. Consistent visibility of recycling symbols on daily-use items reinforces the habit of proper waste disposal. Several countries have successfully implemented recycling labels, achieving impressive recycling rates. Malaysia can adopt best practices from these global examples: The Green Dot system signifies that manufacturers contribute to a recycling program, helping Germany achieve a recycling rate of around 66 per cent. Mandatory recycling symbols on packaging, such as distinct logos on PET bottles, support Japans meticulous waste segregation system. The On-Pack Recycling Label (OPRL) system uses straightforward terms like Widely Recycled or Not Yet Recycled, simplifying the recycling process for consumers. Detailed recycling instructions on packaging, coupled with financial incentives for eco-friendly materials, have propelled South Korea to a recycling rate of approximately 59 per cent. Malaysia generates substantial waste annually, with over 80 per cent ending up in landfills, many of which are nearing capacity and posing environmental risks. Recycling labels can address several critical challenges: Proper labelling will divert more recyclable materials from landfills, conserving space and reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Recycling transforms waste into valuable resources, reducing reliance on virgin materials and fostering sustainability. Clear recycling practices can help Malaysia achieve the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly Goal 12 on responsible consumption and production. Recycling logos subtly educate users and foster a culture of sustainability by prompting responsible waste disposal. Detailed visual diagrams listing recyclables and non-recyclables should become mandatory on all packaging, complemented by labelled waste bins. To implement packaging labelling effectively, Malaysia must adopt a multi-faceted strategy: The government should mandate recycling information on all packaging, specifying material types (e.g., PET, HDPE) and providing disposal instructions. Education is pivotal to recycling initiatives. Campaigns should teach consumers how to interpret labels, emphasise environmental benefits, and utilise diverse media platforms for outreach. Offering tax benefits or subsidies to companies that comply with labelling requirements can accelerate adoption, while penalties for non-compliance will ensure adherence. Upgrading material recovery facilities (MRFs) and expanding the availability of colour-coded bins nationwide can simplify waste segregation and processing. Malaysia can gain valuable insights by partnering with countries with successful recycling systems, adapting best practices to local contexts. Implementing recycling labels comes with challenges that require proactive solutions: Some manufacturers may view labelling requirements as a financial burden. A phased implementation and financial incentives, such as tax breaks, can facilitate compliance. A segment of the population may lack interest in recycling. Education campaigns highlighting long-term benefits can inspire behavioural change. Weak enforcement of waste management regulations can hinder compliance. Strengthening enforcement through regular audits and penalties will ensure adherence. The advantages of adopting recycling labels far outweigh the challenges. Clear labelling will simplify recycling for consumers, gradually increasing Malaysias recycling rate. Effective waste management reduces pollution and conserves natural resources. The recycling industry can generate jobs and drive innovation. As sustainability gains global prominence, recycling labels will position Malaysia as an eco-conscious nation. Labelling products and food with clear recycling instructions can drastically reduce landfill waste by guiding consumers on proper disposal methods. This practice supports Waste-to-Energy (WTE) initiatives, as fewer materials in landfills mean more recyclable items are diverted, easing landfill strain. WTE facilities can then focus on converting non-recyclable waste into energy, improving efficiency and contributing to a sustainable waste management system. By learning from global examples and implementing clear recycling labels, Malaysia can overcome waste management challenges and move towards a sustainable future. Policy-makers, manufacturers, and citizens must collaborate to make recycling an integral part of daily life. Through collective effort, Malaysia can achieve its recycling goals, protect the environment, and secure a better future for generations to come. _(_**Ravindran Raman Kutty**_is an active social worker.)_

Government have been highly encouraging to investors and trading partners alike. To support broad-based reforms, the Ministry of Investment, Trade & Industry (MITI) launched and immediately executed many mission-based industrial reform projects under the New Industrial Master Plan 2030 (NIMP 2030) in 2023, followed up by sector-specific sub-policies like the National Semiconductor Strategy (NSS), and the Green Investment Strategy (GIS) in 2024. These business-friendly and pro-growth policies have provided clear guidance to investors on Malaysias priorities and future expansion opportunities. It is this clarity, as well as disciplined execution of policies that will ultimately deliver the sustainable growth that Malaysia needs. The proof is clear in how 2024 became a rebound year for our economy. Growth from January to September 2024 was at 5.2 per cent (_cf. _3.8 per cent for 2023). The ringgit stabilised and ended 2024 as one of the best performing currencies in Asia. Unemployment was contained at 3.2 per cent, while inflation was below 2 per cent for most of the year. Meanwhile, January to September 2024 saw some RM254.7 billion in approved investments, a 10.7 per cent increase year-on-year, which included some of the commitments garnered from 2023. Malaysias electrical and electronics (E) sector supporting 1.3 million jobs received RM37 billion in investments in the first half of 2024. The importance of this sector to our economy and the global supply chain is the reason we came up with the NSS to ensure its sustainable growth. In fact, our industrial policies have seen global tech giants such as Amazon Web Services, Google, Microsoft, Infineon and Oracle (to name a few) invest or expand their footprint here. Trade, likewise, soared in 2024. January to November 2024 trade grew 8.7 per cent to RM2.621 trillion year-on-year, the highest trade value ever recorded for the period, thanks to recovering external demand and positive spillover effects from the global technology cycle. As an open trading nation in an uncertain geopolitical landscape, Malaysia must also explored new markets and partnerships like we did in Central Asia and Latin America in 2024. 2025 will be challenging, not least because of the US-China geopolitical tensions (including the policy uncertainties over Donald Trumps presidency), as well as the conflicts in the Middle East and elsewhere. But rather than be paralysed by fear, we should leverage on our clear strengths. Besides the clarity of our policy and purpose, we should capitalise on Malaysias strategic position, geopolitical neutrality and strong human capital. We need to also leverage on our 2025 ASEAN Chairmanship (although it is only one part of the governments long to-do list next year) because this is a crucial, once-in-a-decade opportunity. Much attention will naturally gravitate towards ASEANs Economic Pillar, which MITI is leading and whose agenda will be finalised together with several other key ministries. We must make the ASEAN Chairmanship work to Malaysias economic advantage. Many of our industrial reforms are interlinked with initiatives across various key ministries, so there is a lot on our plate to forward agendas such as financing access for climate resilience and just transition, especially for MSMEs; and an ASEAN EV Roadmap. Besides ASEAN, MITIs industrial reforms to achieve sustainable growth will continue apace. As outlined by our GIS, this includes attracting much-needed FDIs in green technology, and in regulating the power, water and carbon usage effectiveness (PUE, WUE, CUE) guidelines for data centre investments that wish to access tax incentives under the Digital Ecosystem Acceleration Scheme (DESAC). MITI wants to prove that we can achieve both sustainability and attract high-ticket investments! The year 2025 will also see more tangible progress for various NIMP-related projects such as the start of NIMPs crucial industrial supply chain mapping project (to better prepare for another COVID-like crisis); enabling MSMEs to begin their sustainability reporting; as well as advancing initiatives like Peraks Kerian Integrated Green Industrial Park (KIGIP) and the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone (JS-SEZ). As mentioned, the MADANI Governments all-corners approach prioritises industrial reforms to ultimately strengthen Malaysias investment and trade numbers. This, coupled with our fiscal and labour reforms, are what will move our macroeconomic needles, by driving jobs, productive capacity and social mobility for our rakyat and businesses. In short, MITI is driving industrial reforms in earnest, while also pulling up our trade and investment numbers to boost the economy and improve the lives of ordinary Malaysians. All these efforts are crucial in the face of global headwinds, which have torn many less resilient countries apart. This is why I feel that Malaysias 2025 ASEAN theme, Inclusivity and Sustainability, is on point. To achieve this, we must harness the strength of all our peoples, whatever their nationality, race or religion, not only across Malaysia, but also ASEAN. Meaningful economic growth must be inclusive and create more quality job opportunities for our youth across all regions. It must enable fair access to opportunities for MSMEs and women, as well as macro-stability for big corporates, but with wealth that is equitably shared with the workers, and not at the expense of the environment. This is the vision of the government I am part of, and one which MITI is working hard to realise. Many of our initiatives like enabling MSMEs to begin their sustainable journey; and the Women in Trade and Industry (WITI) to support female entrepreneurs might not be highly visible yet, but they create a stronger foundation for the nation in the long-run. While much has been accomplished, keeping Malaysia on this reform-plus-growth trajectory is what will uplift our nation sustainably. Just see how Malaysia is firmly back on the global investors radar, generating positive international headlines by winning big-ticket investments after only two years of concerted effort. Imagine what we could achieve by staying the course and persisting with this laser-focused mindset in the years ahead. Let the sceptics remain sceptical. Our sincerity and efforts will show in the trade and investments we pull in. One thing I am sure of: MITI and its agencies will do our best to make 2025 a year where Malaysia shines brightly as a more confident player in the new global order. Heres to a more productive and fruitful 2025 for all Malaysians. _(_**Tengku Zafrul Tengku Abdul Aziz**_is the Minister of Investment, Trade and Industry, Malaysia.)_ Copyright 2025 Sin Chew Media Corporation Berhad (198301003518).

of the Rights of Women and Children with the support of ASEAN donor partners. In ASEANs half-century history, every ASEAN secretary-general (SG) has been male. Kao Kim Hourn from Cambodia is currently the 15th SG whose five-year term will end in three years time and it will be Indonesias turn to nominate the next candidate for ASEANs top post. Will Indonesia break this male trend by fielding the first female ASEAN SG in 2028? As ASEANs chief administrative officer, the SG must first and foremost demonstrate superb administrative skills. Moreover, he or she should also be well conversant on all subject areas of ASEAN cooperation. Finally, the SG should be able to comfortably represent and speak on behalf of the 700 million people residing in the region across all key segments of society, be they government, business, academia, civil society or local communities, about ASEAN, what it stands for and is capable of achieving for the benefit of its peoples. Under the ASEAN Charter, the selection and appointment of the SG should give due consideration to integrity, capability and professional experience, and gender equality (emphasis added). While the first few criteria mentioned are generally met by past candidates for the post, the last criteria on gender equality still remains elusive. Since the idea of having a female SG is a novel subject matter within the ASEAN context, it would probably benefit from raising public awareness and promotion among all ASEAN member countries, which the SG is supposed to serve, in terms of gaining acceptance for the idea of encouraging more female leadership at executive levels of ASEAN institutions and bodies in line with the objectives stipulated in the endorsed ASEAN Gender Mainstreaming Strategic Framework. Perhaps this might entail a campaign to start sensitising the gender deficit issue in connection with ASEANs top post. This could include public workshops, seminars and even talk shows and conducting opinion surveys at various levels and across all segments of society within Indonesia and among the rest of the ASEAN member countries. The use of various forms of social media would also need to be actively deployed to further reach out to the public within the ASEAN region. It would be an important breakthrough if Indonesia could show regional leadership in addressing the gender gap issue by nominating a female candidate for the next ASEAN SG. Many of ASEANs external partners have included women empowerment and gender equity issues as priority areas in their cooperation activities with ASEAN. Efforts should be made to develop programs and activities to advance female leadership especially at the higher echelons of the ASEAN Secretariat and other ASEAN institutions. Taking a leaf from other organisations within the region, the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific did not have its first female head until 60 years after its establishment. It has now had three successive female chiefs since 2007 and the current head is Armida Salsiah Alisjahbana from Indonesia. Similarly, the Mekong River Commission, another inter-governmental organisation, will have its first female chief, from Thailand, come January 2025, again after many decades of the organisations existence. It is time for ASEAN to walk the talk and prioritise gender equality at leadership levels. The appointment of a first female SG would be a good start and doing so to coincide with the heralding of ASEANs 60th anniversary commemoration in three years time would indeed be applauded. After all, women make up half of ASEANs population and as such they deserve their fair share of representation at the apex level of ASEANs policy and decision-making processes. In line with what other regional organisations have done, this would send a very strong message that finally women are no longer left behind in holding the top echelon posts in the ASEAN Secretariat. Looking ahead, ASEAN will promulgate its post-2025 vision next year, which aspires to build a resilient, innovative, dynamic and people-centred ASEAN toward 2045 where the regions people will remain at the heart of the ASEAN Community-building process with a shared sense of belonging, which promotes inclusive participation of all stakeholders, having equitable access to economic opportunities and achieving sustainability in all dimensions. In line with such a vision, it would be worthwhile for Indonesia to consider its choice for the next ASEAN SG post from a pool of suitably qualified candidates drawn widely from the government, business, academia and possibly even civil society groups. _(_**Dewi Fortuna Anwar**_ is research professor at the National Research and Innovation Agency of Indonesia; _**Sharon Seah**_ is senior fellow at the ASEAN Studies Centre, ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute; and _**Apichai Sunchindah**_ is former executive director of the ASEAN Foundation.)_ Copyright 2025 Sin Chew Media Corporation Berhad (198301003518).

2009, Hong Kongs Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) said that Michael Chia, one of Musa proxies, was charged with money laundering after he was caught at Hong Kong International Airport carrying RM40 million in Singapore currency. However, in 2012, Nazri Abdul Aziz, who at the time was thelaw minister, told Parliament that MACC had cleared Chia of any wrongdoing. As expected, many Malaysians did not see it that way. Musas career has been littered by legal battles, political disputes, and allegations of misconduct. On top of that, when he was the Chief Minister, allegations of unresolved claims of land grabs and corruption marred his tenure in office. It was during Dr Mahathir Mohamads tenure as prime minister in the Harapan government which came to power in May 2018, that Musa was finally slapped with 46 charges of corruption and money laundering, with accusations of receiving US$63,293,924.88 (RM280 million) in kickbacks. In 2020, when Mahiaddin Yassin seized power in what is known as the Sheraton Move, and installed what is known as the Perikatan Nasional (PN) administration, Malaysians were horrified to discover that Musa was given a full acquittal and all charges were dropped. That is why Musas controversial appointment as Governor last December, left a bitter taste in the mouths of many Sabahans. His appointment sparked further debates about his tainted past, brought into question the integrity of the current Madani administration and left a nation struggling to understand why a man with a controversial political history could have been nominated as Governor. Graphic artist Fahmi Reza, who is no stranger to fighting against corruption and corrupt leaders, found himself arrested by the Sabah police for his depiction of Musa as a corrupt leader. He told reporters that he was being investigated under Section 4(1) of the Sedition Act 1948, Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act for abuse of network facilities, and Section 504 of the Penal Code for intentional insult to provoke a breach of peace. Meanwhile, a group of students from the local university showed extreme courage to show their disgust and contempt for the controversial appointment by holding a rally on the eve of the New Year. Various government propagandists have tried to dissuade students from protesting, but many forget that the current PM, Anwar Ibrahim, is himself no stranger to student protests. In the late 70s, Anwar led several marches to shame the then government about poverty and starvation in the northern states of Semenanjung Malaya. Morally and ethically, Musa Aman's appointment as Governor raises many hot questions for the ordinary rakyat, especially Sabahans. The irony about Musas appointment is that it coincides with allegations of corruption involving kickbacks for mining exploration licenses within the current state government. Many Sabahans have expressed their disgust and disappointment on social media. One retiree wrote to say that under the Constitution, Musas appointment was legal and followed due process as his name had been proposed by the current CM and endorsed by the King. However, the senior citizen argues that legal is not necessarily moral or ethical. Morally, and ethically, it raises many hot questions for the ordinary rakyat, especially Sabahans. One of the questions that he highlighted was to know the basis of which good and noble criteria the selection been made. He also wondered about the message that was being sent to the ordinary rakyat. He cites the various allegations made against Musa, and that it does not sit well that with his tainted past,he would be awarded the title of Tun in his role as the Governor. At the back of his mind, the retiree wondered how he should break the news about the Governor to his children and grandchildren. He stated his concerns and the diminished confidence and trust in our leaders. He said, How do we respect and give honour to a TYT whom we know had several allegations made against him and who almost faced a severe sentence but had all his charges dropped without explanation by the former AG? Showing concern for our image, he said that Malaysia in general and Sabah in particular would become a laughing stock of the world with the high-profile former CM who despite the allegations had been nominated to become Governor. His contempt for the decision prompted him to add that the government slogan of Sabah Maju Jaya to Sabah Malu Saja, and said that this was the height of official hypocrisy. With sadness, he wondered for how long and for how many more times should Sabahans continue to suffer such indignities and political manipulations from those in power. He called upon their sense of _maruah_ which he claimed was often screamed and shouted out so loudly and defended publicly by politicians. His final message to those in power and authority was to implore them to engage with the ordinary rakyat and provide them with satisfactory answers about this most shameless and critical appointment. Failing that, he said they should perhaps hang their heads in shame. Copyright 2025 Sin Chew Media Corporation Berhad (198301003518).

retired editorial heads. It is indeed a great honour to be a columnist for such an esteemed media organisation in the country. As this maiden column of mine coincides with Sin Chews new year special edition, let me also take this opportunity to wish all our readers a most happy, fruitful and meaningful 2025. This article focusses on Sarawak and its prospects for the Borneo territory in the year ahead. As a Sarawakian, I am truly proud that my homeland has now been recognised as the most politically stable region in Malaysia. Political stability is a cornerstone of a nations progress and prosperity and its impact extends across multiple dimensions of society and the economy. Without sounding too over-bearing in my accolades, I believe it is only fair to state that Sarawaks progress and stability were possible principally through the capable and astute leadership of our Premier, Tan Sri Abang Johari Openg. Even if we are not supporters of the Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) government which Abang Johari leads, it is important that we give credit where it is due. In this case, the Sarawak premier has done remarkably well and deserves credit for his hard work and diligence as Sarawaks chief executive for the past seven years. As we usher in 2025, Sarawak stands at a crucial juncture, poised to build on its achievements under the visionary leadership of Abang Johari. Since taking the helm in 2017, he has been a relentless advocate for Sarawaks rights and development, earning admiration for his commitment to charting a future of prosperity, sustainability, and autonomy for the Land of the Hornbills. As we reflect on the progress made in 2024 and anticipate the prospects for the year ahead, it is clear that Sarawak is firmly set on a path of transformation. The year 2024 was a landmark year for Sarawak, marked by significant strides in infrastructure, education and economic development. Notably, Sarawaks ground-breaking achievements in green energy, particularly in hydrogen production, solidified its position as a global pioneer in renewable energy. The hydrogen economy roadmap, championed by Abang Johari, saw the establishment of several hydrogen production facilities, attracting international partnerships and investments. These efforts are not only driving economic growth but also aligning with global sustainability goals. Moreover, the Sarawak Postgraduate Scholarship Scheme expanded opportunities for local students to pursue advanced education, reflecting Abang Joharis unwavering commitment to human capital development. The Sarawak Corridor of Renewable Energy (SCORE) also witnessed accelerated industrial growth, creating thousands of jobs and boosting the territorys GDP. In 2024, Sarawaks digital economy initiatives gained momentum, with increased internet connectivity across rural and urban areas, facilitated by the Sarawak Multimedia Authority (SMA). These advancements are bridging the digital divide and empowering small and medium enterprises (SMEs) to compete in the global market. Central to Sarawaks aspirations in 2025 is the continued pursuit of rights enshrined in the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63). Abang Joharis administration has been steadfast in demanding greater fiscal and legislative autonomy, advocating for a fairer share of revenue from oil and gas resources. In 2024, Sarawak successfully negotiated increased royalties from natural resources, reflecting the premiers political will and strategic negotiations. In 2025, Sarawakians can expect further advancements in this regard. The state government is expected to intensify efforts to amend federal laws that undermine Sarawaks autonomy, ensuring that decisions affecting Sarawaks people and resources are made by Sarawakians. These initiatives are not merely political milestones; they represent a restoration of Sarawaks rightful status as an equal partner in the Malaysian federation. Abang Joharis vision for Sarawak extends beyond autonomy; it encompasses a holistic approach to economic transformation. In 2025, Sarawak is set to leverage its rich natural resources, strategic location, and burgeoning digital economy to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) and drive industrialisation. The establishment of new industrial parks and the development of smart cities are key components of this strategy, fostering innovation and sustainability. The states commitment to green energy will also take centre stage in 2025. Sarawaks green hydrogen agenda is expected to expand, positioning the state as a major player in the global energy transition. This focus on renewable energy not only addresses climate change but also diversifies Sarawaks economy, reducing dependence on finite resources. In addition to these efforts, Sarawak will further support its burgeoning start-up ecosystem by enhancing access to funding and mentoring programmes. Entrepreneurs can look forward to increased state-backed initiatives fostering innovation in sectors like technology, agriculture, and healthcare. These measures aim to cultivate a resilient and diverse economy. Infrastructure development remains a key component of Sarawaks growth strategy. The Pan Borneo Highway, a transformative project, is nearing completion, promising to enhance connectivity and stimulate economic activities across the state. In 2025, rural areas are expected to benefit from increased investments in roads, bridges, and basic amenities, aligning with the state governments commitment to equitable development. The Sarawak Rural Electrification Scheme and the Rural Water Supply Programme also will continue to improve living standards in underserved areas. These projects are not merely infrastructure upgrades; they represent the states dedication to uplifting every Sarawakian, regardless of their geographic location. To further bolster regional connectivity, Sarawak is set to explore the expansion of air travel infrastructure, including new regional airports to accommodate growing tourism and trade. Enhanced logistics capabilities will ensure Sarawak remains competitive on the global stage. Im happy that Sarawak will finally have its own airline as it has acquired MASwings with the intention of turning it into a nation and regional airline. I am in total support of Abang Joharis proposed Sarawak boutique airline as I had wanted Sarawak to have one some years ago and also made it known publicly? Eleven years ago, to be exact in 2012, I suggested that Sarawak should have an airline to call her own. Well, my wish, and that of many Sarawakians Im sure, has been fulfilled. Sarawaks prospects in 2025 also hinge on preserving its rich cultural heritage and pristine environment. Abang Johari has consistently stressed the importance of sustainable tourism, and in 2025, initiatives to promote Sarawaks unique biodiversity and indigenous cultures are expected to gain momentum. While the prospects are promising, 2025 will not be without challenges. Global economic uncertainties, the lingering effects of the Covid-19 pandemic, and geopolitical tensions may impact Sarawaks growth. As we look ahead to 2025, it is evident that Sarawaks journey is one of ambition, determination, and unity. Abang Joharis leadership has instilled a sense of pride and purpose among Sarawakians, fostering a collective commitment to building a prosperous future. The states prospects are not merely a reflection of its natural wealth or strategic initiatives; they reflect the enduring spirit of its people. Sarawak in 2025 is more than a vision; it is a promise of progress, an assurance of hope. With its unwavering focus on autonomy, sustainability and inclusivity, Sarawak is poised to emerge as a model of balanced development and a source of inspiration for the nation. The Land of the Hornbills is ready to soar to greater heights, guided by our honest and capable leaders and the indomitable spirit of its people. May the Heavenly One shower Sarawak and its citizens with abundant blessings in 2025. _(_**Francis Paul Siah**_ is a veteran Sarawak editor and heads the Movement for Change, Sarawak, MoCS.)_ Copyright 2025 Sin Chew Media Corporation Berhad (198301003518).