are pulling us all into a whirlpool of ignorance, hatred, and disrespect for each other. I would like first to open the article concerning how Malaysian Malays who are Muslims should change. And second, it would be to all Malaysians regardless of race on how we view politics, contexts, _adab_ and social media information as well as how to read mainstream media themselves. Then finally I will go onto how Malaysian non-Muslims should look at themselves and ask whether many things in this country are the fault of other races or perhaps themselves. Let us look at the Malays first. The latest incident is how PAS has ordered its branches and sections to collect money to pay off RM825,000 in lost suit on behalf of Siti Mastura who was found guilty of slander and defamation. This letter by Takiyuddin that is widely circulating and not denied by PAS has raised two important issues with regard to Islam and Malay society. On the one hand, PAS is asking their members to fork out their halal earning money to finance a _haram_ act of _fitnah_. Of course, PAS is selling it as part of the _perjuangan_ Islam to fight against evil, and that this act is a holy war or _jihad_ to establish Islam as the undisputed power in Malaysia. My concern here is firstly, where are the voices from the many official clerics that we have in the country? Where are the voices of the many professors of Islam we have in this country? Many of these clerics and academics are so quick to pounce on concerts, alcohol displays, names on stockings and _tudung_ issues, but when it comes to this misuse of the term _jihad_ to support a slander that is probably used as a political weapon in an election campaign, why the silence? Ustaz Syihabudin, a Youtuber, has made an interesting video about his analysis of this matter. He pointed out that according to the instructions of the letter for all PAS branches and sections to donate certain stipulated amounts, Syihabudin had calculated that the amount was RM16 million! That figure is RM15 million more than just to pay off for Siti Mastura so that her seat shall remain safe from being vacated and PAS would lose badly in the ensuing election against the combined might of Umno and PH. The letter sent to all branches and sections specifically mentioned to help Siti Mastura to pay off the defamation cost and nowhere was it implied that PAs was using this issue to collect a significant war chest. Thus, how the Malays in PAS react to this Jihad-Fitnah and War Chest implication will tell how Malaysia will fare in 2025. If PAS manages to collect the money in less than a week, Malaysia will not be in very good shape! Next, we have Malaysians way of dealing with the issue of the Sabah whistleblower. For me, the man in question is not a whistleblower but a political agent seeking better pastures with another political party. He had admitted to giving the bribes and have the audacity to play the innocent victim! Its like saying _Ayoyo I bagi rasuah juta-juta but these people tak kotakan janji mereka bagi saya projek!_ The matter was as clear to me as day. But the narrative that civil society, the online media and even university students is that politicians are guilty of corruption and that they must all resign. Now, to me, the guilty party need not be investigated because he already admitted to giving bribes, so actions against him should be directed. However, those implicated who are yet to be investigated because the whistleblower chooses trial by media and ignorant citizens and withheld evidence to the MACC. The frightening issue now is not just about rampant corruption. The frightening issue here is this trial by media! If Malaysians do not understand that they are being played, and Malaysians do not understand due investigation course, then we will be a society of anarchy where populism rules through unchecked social media platforms. This fast pace and uncontrolled media dissemination coupled with an impatient and a totally arrogant public bent on seeking vengeance on all politicians regardless of issues will break us apart as a nation. Forget economic downturn or education scores, we are already on the throes of death as a society. I am completely ashamed to be a Malaysian just looking at how civil society is grading Anwar unfairly and Malaysians blaming him for everything wrong in this country. Finally, we have the non-Malays. The non-Malays have played victims for far too long. Its time to change. We must all consider ourselves victims, not just some of us. We are all victims to our ignorance, arrogance and the blame-others syndrome. Buck up and start taking issues with yourself! Many Malaysians disagree with me on this matter as they love blaming the Malays, blaming Islam, blaming PMX and blaming the weather all the time and every time. They blame the DAP for being too quiet although I said the DAP has to do a different approach to politics as they are not only the government but they also have to work with sworn enemies like GRS and Umno. But no, most Chinese and Indians do not accept that. They want the old opposition DAP. Thus, Islamic issues are raised by some popular-seeking DAP members without consulting the proper authorities in Islam and also not waiting for their Muslim members. These acts further encourage the Akmals and the Hadi Awangs to stand out as pejuang-pejuang Islam. Then there is the blaming PMX affair. Najibs pardon is PMX fault. Najibs Addendum also Anwars fault. Even though both are the responsibility of the previous Agong, _never mind- lah whack Anwar lagi senang. _ Rosmahs acquittal from AGs lack of strategy is also Anwars fault. _OKU kena tumbuk also PMX punya hal!_ If I were Anwar, I would resign and just play with my grandchildren. I would not want to die in an office where I did not collect salaries and was subjected to all such unfounded abuses. Malaysia and Malaysians do not deserve Anwar Ibrahim. I told my wife that if PN were to be in power in GE16, I would be OK with that because the way that Malaysians, especially non-Malays, have treated Anwar is by far worse than how Tun M and Umno had undressed him in public during the sodomy trials. I am completely ashamed to be a Malaysian just looking at how civil society is grading him unfairly and Malaysians blaming him for everything wrong in this country while casually forgetting that it was non-Malays who supported Tun M and BN after the unjust jailing of one human being, one Malaysian, and one citizen. Just because Anwar is a Malay with an Islamic ideology that would mitigate between Islam and modern democracy, Malaysians felt that he was a threat when in fact, he could very well be the saviour and the light at the end of the tunnel. I keep asking, if not Anwar, then please bring me your champion! Malaysians are bludgeoning one fighter for this country while they do not have an alternative substitute warrior. So, what is expected for 2025? I predict the worst! _(_**Prof Dr Mohd Tajuddin Mohd Rasdi**_is Professor of Architecture at a local university and his writing reflects his own personal opinion entirely.)_

Bangladesh earlier this year. The support to these countries, mostly least developed or island nations drowning in debt, seeks policy and institutional, financial, regulatory, infrastructural, and social and economic reforms. These broad categories have enabled the IMF to support wide-ranging adaptation and mitigation-related interventions aimed at improving climate governance, policy environment, climate resilience frameworks, or strengthening financial systems. It is too early to see how far this playbook has spurred transformational change, but for Pakistan, several development partners have routinely extended support in these areas. What will then be the strategic arenas on which Pakistan and IMF can together build the architecture for the RSF? It is important for Pakistan that the conditionalities associated with RSF disbursements are country-driven and anchored in country-specific circumstances. The IMFs role should therefore extend beyond developing frameworks to help surmount the following five stumbling blocks. First, the cost of climate change to the economy is too high and Pakistan must find ways and means of reducing both direct and indirect costs. For several reasons, Pakistans real per capita income has already begun to slip. How can it be turned around? Second, the cost of inaction is high and increasing. Underlining the urgency to develop an enabling environment to reduce action gaps across sectors and geographies, a new study by FCDO has estimated $250 billion as the cost of inaction by 2030 and $1.2 trillion by 2050. Given our political economy context, how can the reform agenda for resilient and low-carbon development be incentivised? Third, while improving direct access to international climate finance has remained an ambition, Pakistans challenge is also to optimise domestic resources, particularly domestic private sector investments. Its share in Pakistan is woefully small, compared to its peers. In 2019, for example, private sector investments in climate actions barely totalled $1.4 billion just 0.5 per cent of GDP, according to another FCDO study. Can we reimagine the relationship with the private sector without furthering elite capture and marginalisation? There is space available to expand climate-related tax provisions by introducing carbon taxes, climate-proofing subsidies, integrating climate-smart manufacturing, and adopting innovative financing mechanisms such as public-private partnerships and an emissions trading system, as pointed out by the finance minister in Baku at the climate summit last month while launching the National Climate Finance Strategy (NCFS). How can Pakistan start mobilising domestic revenue and investments for domestically driven climate action? Fifth, resilience and sustainability are at the heart of the discourse on empowering local government institutions. After the 18th Amendment of 2010, development and climate issues became essentially provincial and beg for improved clarity and coordination on their respective roles and responsibilities. For the RSF, the provinces and long-awaited local governments are the primary stakeholders. Can the RSF grasp the centrifugal trends and become more responsive to climate adaptation and mitigation needs of communities? From the list of countries supported under the RSF, Pakistan is perhaps the only federal entity where the provinces have their own policies, priorities and pace of climate action. There is evidence that federal level reforms do not always seep down easily. It is also a fallacy to assume that the 18th Amendment has shifted all functions to the provinces, because in several instances the centre continues to hold on to non-federal functions, for example the roles and responsibilities for resilience and sustainability. The RSF can help catalyse private sector investment encouraging investment flows, build upon institutional partnerships with MDBs and other financial institutions. The proposed Pakistan climate resilience and sustainability fund will require wider consultation to determine purpose, size, equity partnerships, and governance structures. The IMFs contribution can serve as investment equity. The RSF can help catalyse additional external financing, now that Pakistan has drafted its NCFS that puts a premium on co-financing. For Pakistan, it is important to build upon the signalling effect to enhance investor confidence, address big barriers, and show that we are committed to implementing climate reforms. We have learnt in Pakistan that reforms are not just a list of unprioritised tick boxes. They are a strategically prioritised, sequenced, and synchronised set of timebound actions for a just transition. Since Pakistans policies are not always aligned with reform agenda or national climate commitments, it is imperative that the prior actions under the RSF are embedded in the forthcoming Nationally Determined Contributions. This will foster ownership of the reform process within provinces and help gain support and speed for transformational change. In the 23 programmes that Pakistan has secured from IMF since 1950, it is perhaps for the first time that the finance minister has publicly owned the reform agenda by repeating that the reforms are owned and driven by Pakistan. The immediate challenge is engaging with stakeholders, particularly the provinces, civil society, and the private sector to build national consensus around this narrative. _(_**Ali Tauqeer Sheikh**_ is an Islamabad-based climate change and sustainable development expert.)_

fulfil the conditions of democracy, such as multi-party system and free and fair elections. This configuration represents much of the ASEAN psyche, shaping its hesitant response to at least the civil and political angle of human rights. From the outset, the declaration was vehemently criticised in many quarters for being substandard, and ASEAN leaders had to issue an accompanying Phnom Penh Statement on the adoption of the AHRD which stated the bottom line: implementation of the AHRD must be consistent with international law, particularly the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the human rights treaties to which ASEAN countries are party. The AHRD itself was drafted by the overarching human rights body of ASEAN, namely the ASEAN Inter-governmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). It is composed of six parts starting with general principles followed by civil and political rights; economic, social and cultural rights; the right to development; and the right to peace and cooperation. The AHRD is credited with including references to non-discrimination against persons with HIV, development and peace. Increasingly, its advocacy of the right to a safe, clean and sustainable environment has taken on a new meaning with the advent of global warming and climate change, especially now that the UN has consecrated a new right in the form of the right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment. It has been cited some twenty times in the current Workplan of AICHR (2021-2015) to justify actions, some of which are creative. For instance, the latter has been evolving a draft declaration on the right to environment which would not only advocate procedural rights and substantive rights, but also remedies, both formal and informal as part of access to justice. An innovative angle in the draft is to counter the spread of litigation against civil society and other actors who act on behalf of the public interest in such areas as depletion of natural resources and corruption. These cases are known as Strategic Litigation Against Public Participation (SLAPP), and they are increasingly castigated by the international community as undermining human rights protection. AICHR is also undertaking a study on the right to peace, and a good practice to build upon is to encourage ASEAN countries to send more peace-keepers to help the UN. Reverting to the AHRD itself, there remain various equivocal angles inherent to the document. The declaration is critiqued for referring to human duties when it should be emphasising rights. It opens the door to subjecting human rights to the national and regional context, impliedly particularities such as Asian Values, which have been touted to enable the collective interest, such as traditional family values, to prevail over individual rights. The AHRD has imposed the constraining condition that various rights must be exercised in accordance with national law rather than international human rights law. It has limited the exercise of human rights excessively by broad notions such as national morality, which has been used to legitimise constraints on womens rights and gender diversity. The declaration also fails to mention the universal right to freedom of association. And why does it emphasise a cooperative approach when the international setting puts much emphasis on accountability? These are not easy ambiguities to resolve and at times, it has been incumbent on AICHR to help attenuate the situation. For instance, some members of AICHR have issued statements against excessive limitations on human rights, such as in relation to Myanmar. The quest for solutions has to go beyond ASEAN itself. This was exemplified most glaringly by the arrest warrant which the international prosecutor has requested from the International Crimination Court recently against the military leader of Myanmar, allegedly responsible for international crimes with cross-border implications. It is thus not surprising that the AHRD has not been cited much outside ASEAN as an instrument for the substantive protection of human rights. There are at least three possibilities to enable it to move beyond its insular status as a document of validation to an instrument of catalysation. Its provisions must be interpreted creatively to comply with international human rights law, as represented by the various human rights treaties pertinent to member countries and the UNs Universal Periodic Review, which is a peer-review process among all countries, putting forward recommendations for improved changes per each country. Various rights in the AHRD need to be elaborated upon through effective measures of genuine implementation. For instance, the right to privacy calls upon all ASEAN countries to have laws on personal data protection. These countries should prepare well to deal with artificial intelligence where it might impinge on that right, including through social scores discriminating against various individuals and communities. Internally, the AHRD might act as a tool for a sustained, periodic scorecard to measure whether ASEAN institutions and member states comply with the bare minimum advocated by the AHRD. Looking ahead, as ASEAN plans its next steps toward its Vision 2045, it should thus be time for reconfiguration: to review and adjust well both the functions of AICHR and AHRD for a more progressive future, interfacing with a world of increasing precarity. _(_**Vitit Muntarbhorn **_is Professor Emeritus at the Faculty of Law of Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok. He is currently a UN Special Rapporteur under the UN Human Rights Council, Geneva.)_

on-going interventions, Malaysias substance misuse problem is worsening. The report also noted a resurgence in domestic methamphetamine production, with links to the Golden Triangle and increasing seizures of local drug labs for the first time since 2018. The connection between drugs and terrorism, often termed narcoterrorism, is well-documented. A key example is the Talibans extensive opium poppy cultivation in Afghanistans Golden Crescent, one of the worlds largest opium-producing regions. Malaysias strategic location bordered by the Malacca Strait and South China Sea makes it a critical transit hub for illicit criminal networks. Proximity to the Golden Triangle further compounds the issue. Porous borders, particularly along Sungai Golok, Bukit Kayu Hitam, and Padang Besar, have become hotspots for daily drug-smuggling activities, cementing Malaysias role as a regional transit point and enabling the infiltration of illicit drugs into Malaysian society. While no direct empirical studies link substance use to radicalisation, substantial evidence highlights its significant role in terrorist recruitment, radicalisation, and operations. Terrorist groups often target individuals struggling with substance abuse, exploiting their vulnerabilities for recruitment. The RAN report also identifies substance use as a key factor in both violent Islamist extremism and violent right-wing extremism (VRWE), with a notably higher prevalence in VRWE contexts. In Malaysia, substance-related violence is a recurring concern as reflected in the media. These findings highlight substance abuse as a key vulnerability indicator for violent extremism and terrorism (VE). Therefore, addressing substance abuse within Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) frameworks is crucial, using targeted approaches that recognise its role in radicalisation. A notable example is Denmarks Police, Social Service, and Psychiatry (PSP) cooperation model, which effectively identifies at-risk individuals such as those struggling with substance abuse, suicide risk, or mental illness and coordinates early interventions to address these vulnerabilities, preventing extremist ideologies from taking root. Complementing this,**info-houses** dedicated communication hubs are established in every police district to address radicalisation concerns, conduct intelligence-led assessments, and implement tailored rehabilitation measures. These hubs act as vital connectors between law enforcement, social services, and communities, ensuring a proactive and unified response to **emerging threats**. Collaborating with local partners in P/CVE efforts enables the creation of holistic interventions and rehabilitation programmes tailored to specific community needs. Sustained communication with stakeholders further ensures the timely exchange of up-to-date knowledge and methodologies, strengthening the overall effectiveness of these initiatives. A **comprehensive exit plan** relies on effectively disengaging individuals from extremist ideologies while addressing underlying vulnerabilities. Given the frequent co-occurrence of trauma, mental disorders, and substance abuse, these interconnected risk factors must be central to the design of effective deradicalisation programmes. Evidence indicates that violent extremists in conflict settings who undergo this therapy experience improved mental health, reduced criminal behaviour, decreased drug use, and better reintegration into society. Furthermore, **continuous monitoring and evaluation standards**, grounded in data and science, are essential to securing sustained resources and funding for P/CVE rehabilitation efforts. These include specialised services such as substance addiction treatment and mental health programmes, ensuring interventions remain effective, evidence-based, and responsive to evolving challenges. Moreover, victims of terrorist attacks may also resort to substance use as a coping mechanism. Therefore, to build a proactive and effective P/CVE strategy, it is essential to establish the necessary infrastructure, including trained professionals, to address such post-trauma vulnerabilities and prevent further harm. Educational institutions play a critical role in drug prevention efforts, particularly as substance use becomes increasingly common among Malaysian teenagers, some as young as 13. To overcome these challenges, it is vital for school teachers to receive specialised training through workshops, seminars, and mentoring sessions with experts to enhance their ability to deliver national drug prevention programmes such as **PINTAR** and **SHIELDS**. Given their **daily interaction with students**, teachers are **uniquely positioned **to identify early signs of substance misuse as well as potential radicalisation. Needless to say, such training must be grounded in**robust, up-to-date research**to ensure its relevance and impact. **Heavy reliance on research-based evidence **is a global best practice in P/CVE, championed by countries like Germany, Sweden and Denmark. To this end, the link between substance use, addiction, and radicalisation must be rigorously examined, particularly within the local context, to uncover the underlying causes and processes of radicalisation. These insights are essential for counter-VE agencies to design, evaluate, and enhance P/CVE strategies effectively. Substance abuse must be recognised not only as a societal issue but also as an**early indicator of radicalisation**, given its strong association with violent outcomes and terrorist activities. By integrating substance addiction into P/CVE frameworks, policymakers can develop more **comprehensive and holistic interventions**, tackling VE threats at their roots. (**Dr Margarita Peredaryenko**_ and _**Avyce Heng**_ are part of the research team at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research_.)

unchallengeable in the new unipolar world. The influential US journal _Foreign Affairs_ termed ensuing US foreign policy sovereigntist. But the new order also triggered fresh discontent. Caricaturing cultural differences, Samuel Huntington blamed a clash of civilisations. His contrived cultural categories serve a new divide-and-rule strategy. Todays geopolitics often associates geographic and cultural differences with supposed ideological, systemic and other political divides. Such purported fault lines have also fed identity politics. The new Cold War is hot and bloody in parts of the world, sometimes spreading quickly. As bellicosity is increasingly normalised, hostilities have grown dangerously. Economic liberalisation, including globalisation, has been unevenly reversed since the turn of the century. Meanwhile, financialisation has undermined the real economy, especially industry. The G20 finance ministers, representing the worlds twenty largest economies, including several from the Global South, began meeting after the 1997 Asian financial crisis. The G20 began meeting at the heads of government level following the 2008 global financial crisis, which was seen as a G7 failure. However, the G20s relevance has declined again as the North reasserted G7 centrality with the new Cold War. The ostensible raison dtre of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has gone with the end of the first Cold War and the Soviet Union. The faces of Western powers have also changed. For example, the G5 grew to become the G7 in 1976. US infatuation with the post-Soviet Russia of Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin even brought it into the G8 for some years! Following the illegal US invasion of Iraq in 2003, the sovereigntist Wolfowitz doctrine of 2007 redefined its foreign policy priorities to strengthen NATO and start a new Cold War. NATO mobilisation of Europe behind the US against Russia now supports Israel targeting China, Iran and others. Violating the UN Charter, the 2022 Russian invasion of eastern Ukraine united and strengthened NATO and Europe behind the US. Despite earlier tensions across the north Atlantic, Europe rallied behind Biden against Russia despite its high costs. International law has also not stopped NATO expansion east to the Russian border. The US unilaterally defines new international norms, often ignoring others, even allies. But Trumps re-election has raised centrist European apprehensions. Developing countries were often forced to take sides in the first Cold War, ostensibly waged on political and ideological grounds. With mixed economies now ubiquitous, the new Cold War is certainly not over capitalism. Instead, rivalrous capitalist variants shape the new geoeconomics as state variations underlie geopolitics. Authoritarianism, communist parties and other liberal dirty words are often invoked for effect. Despite her controversial track record during her first term as the European Commission (EC) president, Ursula von der Leyen is now more powerful and belligerent in her second term. She quickly replaced Joseph Borrell, her previous EC Vice President and High Representative in charge of international relations. Borrell described Europe as a garden that the Global South, the surrounding jungle, wants to invade. For Borrell, Europe cannot wait for the jungle to invade. Instead, it must pre-emptively attack the jungle to contain the threat. Since the first Cold War, NATO has made more, mainly illegal military interventions, increasingly outside Europe! The US, UK, German, French and Australian navies are now in the South China Sea despite the 1973 ASEAN (Association of South-East Asian Nations) commitment to a ZOPFAN (zone of peace, freedom and neutrality) and no request from any government in the region. The first Cold War also saw bloody wars involving alleged proxies in southwestern Africa, Central America, and elsewhere. Yet, despite often severe Cold War hostilities, there were also rare instances of cooperation. In 1979, the Soviet Union challenged the US to eradicate smallpox within a decade. US President Jimmy Carter accepted the challenge. In less than ten years, smallpox was eradicated worldwide, underscoring the benefits of cooperation. Official development assistance (ODA) currently amounts to around 0.3 per cent of rich countries national incomes. This is less than half the 0.7 per cent promised by wealthy nations at the UN in 1970. The end of the first Cold War led to ODA cuts. Levels now are below those after Thatcher and Reagan were in power in the 1980s. Trumps views and famed transactional approach to international relations are expected to cut aid further. The economic case against the second Cold War is clear. Instead of devoting more to sustainable development, scarce resources go to military spending and related strategic priorities. __(__****Jomo Kwame Sundaram****__was an economics professor and United Nations Assistant Secretary-General for Economic Development.)__

their homes, made daily trips to MACC offices for detailed questioning, and had their bank accounts frozen. Then came the Sheraton Move and other subsequent political betrayals, all in the name of clinging on to power. These politicians used the coronavirus scare and the Movement Control Order to push their plans to consolidate their hold on power. What of the rakyat? They knew what was going on but they were powerless to act. If truth be told, they have been powerless for a good part of the past six decades. Our actions are controlled by draconian laws, like the Sedition Act Four years ago, on 9 June, the former Chief Minister of Sabah, Musa Aman, was granted a full acquittal for 46 charges relating to dirty money. These involved 35 corruption charges for which he allegedly received bribes of between US$28,500 and US$16,148,547, and 16 money laundering charges for allegedly receiving US$37 million from various individuals and timber companies. The spotlight then fixed on the new Attorney-General (AG), Idrus Harun. He faced the wrath of the rakyat. Despite the official statements issued by the AG and the former CM, it behoves us to read between the lines to find the motivations of each man. Idrus said that prosecutors withdrew all 46 charges against Musa on 9 June because former Attorney-General Gani Patail had issued the affidavit in support of Musas application to strike out the charges. In 2012, Gani decided to take no action against Musa because investigations showed that the money was for political funding. So, is political funding the catch-word for corruption? Was Idrus unable to think for himself? Couldnt he scrutinise and give a fresh airing to these high-profile cases of national interest? He used the decisions of former AGs to issue the final verdict. He failed to give a good impression of his work performance and judgement. In 2020, Malaysians wondered if Idrus had been placed under tremendous pressure from the then PN administration, especially as most of the corrupt politicians in Umno-Baru had been rewarded for their loyalty despite their tainted past. After decades of institutionalised corruption, racism, extremism and injustice, the rakyat is eager for a fresh start, but the AG may have compromised their ideals. A euphoric Musa, his family and supporters must have breathed a huge sigh of relief when he was freed. No one would have missed the connection that the affidavit was provided by the former AG, who is also a Sabahan. Sadly, the powers that be have again betrayed the rakyat and especially the people of Sabah with this latest appointment of Musa as Governor. Sabah is the poorest nation in Malaysia. Crooks steal from the people of Sabah, but no one is found guilty despite the wealth gained from petroleum, oil-palm, timber and tourism. Musa played to the Muslim crowd and immediately thanked God for ensuring justice was served and that it was by Gods will that his name had been cleared. He said God had put him and his family through a test and that God was fair and rewarded his patience. He said his innocence of the graft charges was "very clear" and "indisputable"; but the rakyat would like to know how. Malaysians recall the cowardly Musa sneaking into Brunei to take a flight to Singapore and thence to England. He was filmed in London by Malaysians who recognised him, but he then claimed he was abroad for medical treatment. If he was confident of his innocence, why did he have to go through the drama of running away, hiding and playing on the heartstrings of the gullible public by returning to Malaysia on a stretcher? You may recall the rakyats fury because a few days before Musas spectacular acquittal, a Terengganu man was jailed for 15 months for stealing _petai_ from a farmer. Is God fair, they may ask? Is God testing this man, too? The rakyat compare theft on a grand scale by politicians and their children, and the punishments they receive. They note that the poor, who struggle to scrape a living to feed their families and are forced to steal, are given harsher punishments. The thief suffers, along with his family. On the other hand, corrupt politicians who escape punishment, mock the courts and give the metaphorical two fingers to the rakyat. Is the whole judicial system compromised? Or are there two sets of laws one for the elite, and another for the ordinary man? Musas acquittal did not bode well for the nation. As it is, the convicted felon had his sentence and fine reduced. There are allegations he is working his way towards a house arrest. The rakyat will not be surprised if the former self-styled First Lady of Malaysia (FLOM) Rosmah Mansor will also be cleared of all charges, as have the others such as Zahid Hamidi (former DPM), Abdul Azeez Rahim (Tabung Haji) and Isa Samad (Felda). For many Malaysians, our AGs have failed to uphold justice, as they were trained to do in their legal profession. They failed to protect the integrity of their office and their public role in the interests of the nation and the rakyat. Sadly, the powers that be have again betrayed the rakyat and especially the people of Sabah with this latest appointment of Musa as Governor.

actions strike at the very heart of democracy, eroding the foundations upon which just and equitable societies are built. The weaponisation of laws has become the cornerstone of repression. In Thailand, lse-majest laws have been wielded not only against activists, but also against parliamentarians like Chonthicha Jangrew, who was sentenced to two years in prison for peacefully criticising legislation that expanded royal authority. In Cambodia, opposition parties such as the Cambodia National Rescue Party have been dissolved, and independent media outlets, including Voice of Democracy, have been shuttered under the pretext of protecting national security. These legal tools do not protect the public, instead they entrench power and foster a climate of fear, eliminating avenues for dissent and public participation. The Philippines offers another grim illustration. The practice of red-tagging, labelling activists and human rights defenders as communists or terrorists, has facilitated harassment, arbitrary arrests and even assassinations. Zara Alvarez, a human rights worker, was murdered in 2020 after being placed on a government watchlist, a stark reminder that the Philippine government needs to do more to protect human rights defenders (HRDs). Meanwhile, the prolonged detention of former Senator Leila de Lima on politically motivated charges reflects the states systematic targeting of dissenters. The situation for HRDs and civil society organisations is equally dire. In Myanmar, following the 2021 military coup, thousands of activists, journalists and political leaders have been arrested. More than 4,000 remain in detention, with many subjected to torture, while civil society has been decimated. In Malaysia, women HRDs like Syerleena Abdul Rashid face not only institutional obstacles, but also direct threats, such as receiving bullets in the mail, for daring to speak out. Even the digital sphere, once heralded as a tool for amplifying marginalised voices, has become a battleground. Governments now use digital platforms for surveillance, censorship and disinformation. In Vietnam, social media activists face relentless crackdowns, with prominent figures like Pham Doan Trang sentenced to nine years in prison for advocating democracy online. In Indonesia, disinformation during election cycles erodes public trust, distorts democratic processes and provides cover for cyber-surveillance targeting dissenting voices. The consequences of this shrinking civic space are far-reaching and deeply troubling. Accountability crumbles when independent media and civil society are suppressed, allowing governments to operate with impunity. Silencing dissent fosters mistrust and division, weakening the social cohesion necessary for democratic governance. Progress on critical issues such as climate justice, labour rights and gender equality grinds to a halt when HRDs are unable to function freely. This repression also reveals the selective application of human rights in Southeast Asia. Indigenous communities, stripped of legal recognition of their ancestral lands, are displaced by extractive industries with little recourse to justice. For the LGBTIQ community, criminalisation and societal stigma perpetuate cycles of discrimination and exclusion, rendering them invisible in national and regional dialogues on progress. These realities expose the moral and practical failings of the regions approach to human rights. Parliamentarians have a critical role in reversing these trends. As lawmakers and representatives of the people, they are uniquely positioned to challenge repressive laws and champion policies that protect civic freedoms. In Malaysia, former MP Charles Santiago has been a staunch advocate for abolishing the death penalty and defending free speech. In the Philippines, representative Arlene Brosas has consistently championed womens rights while opposing state-sponsored repression. Beyond national efforts, parliamentarians must leverage platforms like ASEAN to advocate for stronger protections for civic space and HRDs. The principle of non-interference must no longer serve as a shield for impunity, particularly in egregious cases such as Myanmar. Civil society organisations and HRDs are indispensable partners in this fight. Despite immense risks, they amplify marginalised voices, expose abuses and demand accountability. However, their survival depends on stronger protections, sustained support and collective action to counter repression. Reclaiming civic space in Southeast Asia requires bold, coordinated and sustained action. ASEAN must empower mechanisms like the ASEAN Inter-governmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) with the authority to conduct independent investigations and hold states accountable for violations. The digital sphere, too, must be reclaimed as a tool for empowerment rather than repression. Governments should enact regulations to combat surveillance and censorship while promoting digital literacy to empower citizens in navigating complex digital landscapes. Inclusive governance must become a regional priority. Indigenous peoples must be recognised as stewards of their lands and granted meaningful participation in decisions that affect their lives. The LGBTIQ community must receive full legal protections and representation in public life. Women must be empowered to lead and make decisions without systemic barriers or threats. Shrinking civic space is not merely a regional crisis; it is a global one that threatens the core of democracy and human rights. Southeast Asia cannot afford to continue down this path of repression and exclusion. The regions future hinges on its ability to reclaim civic space, amplify marginalised voices and hold power to account. On this International Human Rights Day, we must commit to reversing this alarming trend. Civic space is not a privilege reserved for a few; it is a fundamental right for all. It is the foundation upon which just, inclusive and democratic societies are built. The fight to reclaim civic space demands courage, resilience and solidarity. Parliamentarians must remain steadfast against authoritarianism. Governments must recognise that protecting civic space is not merely a moral obligation, it is essential for sustainable peace and development. _(_**Rangsiman Rome**_ is Board Member of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights, APHR, and Thai Member of Parliament.)_

variety of areas including population, health, education, employment, income and expenditure, welfare services and sports. We support such initiatives and hope that they can grow in scope. We would like to make a number of suggestions on improving this data set for subsequent publications, as we look forward to annual updates. Firstly, most of the data presented is from routinely reported and collected data. While this is essential, it limits a full perspective of the situation. We would be grateful if data from large community surveys were also included. The Ministry of Healths National Health and Morbidity Surveys (NHMS) are an excellent source of good community data on the size of the disability community in Malaysia, including by type of disability. As noted in the DOSM publication on disability, in 2023 only 2.2 per cent of the population is reported as disabled, compared to 24.0 per cent in the United Kingdom, 21.4 per cent in Australia and 13.9 per cent in the US. The World Health Organisation states that 16 per cent of the population has a disability. The NHMS 2023 data show that the prevalence of disability was 8.2 per cent and the prevalence of functional difficulty was 21.7 per cent. These rates offer a more nuanced understanding of the real situation of PwDs than viewing DOSM data in isolation, without easy reference to NHMS data in the same DOSM publication on PwDs. Secondly, it may be good to verify and explore data that appear unreliable. For example, under health, it is stated that the number of PwDs receiving health treatment at Ministry of Health (MOH) facilities was 4,551 persons. This must be a very tiny fraction of all the PwDs who use MOH facilities. Of the more than 65 million hospital admissions, day-care attendance and outpatient attendance in 2023, at least 15 to 30 million would have been PwDs. Perhaps the 4,551 persons refers to some small specific entity? Thirdly, it would be good to enlarge the categories that data for PwDs are collected and presented. We recommend obtaining data on PwDs participation in art, cultural life and recreational activities; a specific section on children with disabilities; a specific section on women and girls with disabilities; a specific section on older persons with disabilities. Malaysia also needs data on discrimination against PwDs and related access to justice; and on the participation of PwDs in political and public life. Such data are indicative of Malaysias progress in its march towards developed nation status and open sharing of such data supports efforts to strengthen our national standing. Furthermore, it would be in line with the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) that Malaysia ratified in July 2010, and the Persons with Disabilities Act, 2008. Fourthly, we urge DOSM and other government agencies to make PDF and MS Word documents, as well as apps, infographics, e-posters and websites accessible for PwDsin line with international Web Content Accessibility Guidelines (WCAG) 2.2 requirements. To make PDF files into documents that screen readers can access, structure the documents in a clear, simple structure and logical reading order with document tags; use the built-in accessibility features in the PDF editing software; use fewer colours with more readable fonts and better spacing; use alternative (alt) text descriptions for non-text elements like images, graphs, and videos. These simple changes, once introduced as standard practice, would help ensure that all Malaysians can access and read these data publications. Perhaps DOSM could also consider releasing, in addition, an easy-read version to enable access by many laypersons with varying levels of literacy, while enabling those with intellectual and cognitive disabilities to benefit. We reiterate our warm appreciation to the Department of Statistics Malaysia for its commendable initiative and look forward to more civil society engagement in its data work towards improving understanding of the situation of persons with disabilities in Malaysia.

form its Asian hub in South Korea, and partially because we are thinking of moving to Seoul sometime in the next 1 to 2 years. I was halfway into my piece on how South Korea must look to spread its economic engine throughout more of the country to alleviate the cost burden for those in the Seoul metro, as this will solve several important challenges facing the nation. I decided it best to pick up the next morning on proposed solutions, thinking a good night sleep and large blonde roast coffee will make my writing that much better. And right when I picked up the next morning, the unthinkable news that shocked the world occurred. While many of our good friends in South Korea were unaware of the events unfolding as they had tucked in for the evening, I was glued to the news, with excellent updates from _The Korea Herald_ guiding me like a play by play not seen since the glory days of Monday Night Football. And while many would be scared off by this volatile event as a sign that moving into a country with such perceived political instability is the wrong decision, for me the way the evening unfolded and settled up only confirmed why I want to be on the ground, for the South Korean people should hold their heads high on what the future will bring. I am a son of Central Europe, as my mothers parents came to the US from Poland, and my father was raised in the former Czechoslovakia during World War II. The year 1989 was incredible for an impressionable 16-year-old living in the Rust Belt of Ohio. To see the fall of the Berlin Wall, and then the peaceful overthrow of the Czechoslovak government, was incredible. Then we had to wait for the evening news, which many times was reporting 1-2 day old events. Last weeks events in Seoul were transmitted to the world in seconds. And what we saw was a National Assembly reacting and acting just as quickly. The 190 lawmakers placed their country over their parties and their personal safety. Once the martial law decree was legitimately overruled, we saw the military on the ground respect the rule of law, and return to their barracks. And in the days since we are witnessing the unity of the Korean people in wanting their political leaders to place country over party. The failed impeachment vote over the weekend is a setback in formulating a response that carries the seriousness it needs to have to counter President Yoon so recklessly using the most serious of mandates. The world is watching, and wondering what will happen next. But where I truly have hope is that for all of South Korea, the actions of the people and the National Assembly on that fateful night can turn out to be a moment in history that people recognise as the most positive of turning points. Given the lateness of that evening, the protestors who bravely went to the National Assembly were comprised of the younger adults of Seoul and elsewhere. They felt the obligation to protect the integrity of their government, and they did so. It is imperative that their peaceful protests should be stopped. This can also mean that the future lawmakers of the country will remember the nights event as the motivator to move the country forward and to tackle the issues that need to be tackled, with the burden of entrenched bureaucracy needing to take a backseat to progress and perseverance. And while this column is no longer dedicated to how to improve the dispersal of the countrys economy, that issue is one of those massive undertakings that can only be tackled with a new fortitude that can rebuild the will of the people. My last column in 2018 centred on how proud the Korean people can be for the showcasing of the country to the rest of the world during the Winter Olympics. An underlying goal of the games is to promote global peace and harmony. The actions of the National Assembly over the next several months in addressing last weeks unnecessary drama can also show the rest of the world that Koreas people-driven democracy is also a beacon for the world to see. And I hope in the coming year I can see and participate in this work first-hand. _(_**Eric Planey**_ is CEO of SolaBlock, a US-based maker of solar embedded concrete wall systems.)_

expands. In 2018, Sabah welcomed 21 cruise ships carrying over 21,700 passengers, underscoring its immense potential as a premier cruise destination. Cruise ship arrivals in Sabah proceed smoothly, reinforcing its position as a top-tier destination, with its ports prominently featured in the itineraries of world-class cruise liners. The momentum continues in 2024 with milestone developments such as the inaugural visit of _Carnival Panorama_ to Kota Kinabalu Port where the state plans to construct a dedicated cruise terminal. Kudos to Sabah Ports Sdn. Bhd. for their exceptional dedication and tireless efforts in ensuring the seamless handling of these ship calls. I am glad to know that the Sabah Tourism Board (STB) has set ambitious goals to double the number of cruise ship visits this year, reaffirming Sabahs role as a key player in the regional cruise network. The sight of majestic cruise ships at Kota Kinabalu Port is not just a visual spectacle but a golden opportunity for our Land Below the Wind to showcase its rich cultural heritage, breath-taking landscapes, and unique experiences. These brief stopovers leave travellers with indelible memories while providing a significant boost to the local economy. To fully capitalise on the potential of cruise tourism, a robust partnership between Sabah Ports and the Ministry of Tourism, through the STB, is essential. Such collaboration can create unforgettable experiences for passengers by emphasising Sabahs vibrant culture, stunning natural beauty, and distinctive heritage. Coordinated efforts not only enhance passenger satisfaction but also solidify Sabahs reputation as a premier destination on the global tourism map. Cruise tourism represents a lucrative segment of the global travel industry, generating billions of dollars in revenue and creating millions of jobs. For Sabah, the short calls from cruise liners present unparalleled opportunities to invigorate the local economy. Passengers disembarking for brief visits bring significant spending power that benefits local businesses, including restaurants, souvenir shops, tour operators, and transport providers. A single cruise ship call can inject hundreds of thousands of ringgits into the local economy, depending on the vessels capacity and passenger demographics. Additionally, cruise tourism positions Sabah as an attractive destination for future visits. Passengers who enjoy their brief port calls often return for extended stays, bringing friends and family. The exposure gained from hosting international tourists enhances Sabahs global profile, creating a ripple effect of increased tourism arrivals. Ensuring seamless cruise operations requires meticulous planning and adherence to international standards. Before granting permission for a cruise vessel to berth for a short call, the port operator must verify that all necessary documentation and arrangements are in place. This includes a Berth Reservation Agreement, port clearance documents, proof of insurance, and compliance with environmental regulations, such as MARPOL standards for waste management and pollution prevention. Payment guarantees for port fees and services, along with arrangements for bunker supply, freshwater provisioning, and shore power connections, must also be finalised. Tourism and immigration clearances are critical to facilitating passenger disembarkation and ensuring compliance with local procedures. Sabah Ports plays a pivotal role in ensuring efficient services through seamless berthing, pilotage, and mooring operations. Modern passenger facilities, including clean terminals, clear signage, and comfortable waiting areas, contribute to an enhanced experience. Quick turnaround services such as waste disposal, refuelling, and freshwater supply are vital. The port also prioritises safety and security by enforcing ISPS Code compliance, maintaining robust emergency response plans, and ensuring effective communication with cruise liners. To further elevate the passenger experience, Sabah Ports collaborates with local vendors to create a vibrant port atmosphere featuring cultural performances, souvenir shops, and local food offerings. Environmental sustainability remains a top priority, with initiatives such as shore power facilities aimed at reducing emissions and minimising the environmental footprint of cruise operations. It is also worth noting that Sabah Ports is making significant strides toward achieving Green Port status, beginning with the ambitious project of installing solar panels on most of its warehouse rooftops. The STB plays an equally critical role in promoting Sabah as a premier cruise destination. Marketing efforts should highlight unique attractions such as Mount Kinabalu, Tunku Abdul Rahman Marine Park, and cultural experiences. Collaborations with travel agencies can facilitate tailored shore excursions, emphasising local highlights like Tamparuli Mee or noodles, traditional crafts, or village visits within the 24-hour passenger window. Joint marketing campaigns with cruise operators, along with onboard cultural showcases, can further integrate Sabah into global itineraries. Supporting local businesses by engaging entrepreneurs, transport providers, guides, and artisans ensures direct economic benefits from tourism. A robust feedback mechanism to gather insights from cruise passengers will enable continuous improvement. Sabah must embrace a forward-thinking approach to cruise tourism, exemplified by the proactive initiatives of Sabah Ports Sdn. Bhd. under the capable leadership of its Chairman, Datuk Faisal Diego, and Chief Executive, Datuk Ng Kiat Ming. Strategic investments in port infrastructure, including expanded berthing facilities and modernised passenger terminals, will enable the accommodation of larger vessels and increased traffic. Additionally, fostering strategic partnerships with international cruise lines can firmly establish Sabah as a must-visit destination on regional cruise itineraries. As cruise tourism continues to flourish, Sabah must rise to the challenge of delivering exceptional excellence at every stage of the passenger journey. Through coordinated efforts and a shared commitment to quality, Sabah can set its standing as a leading cruise destination in the region, leaving visitors with lasting memories and an enduring desire to return. _(_**Datuk Dr Johnson Tee**_ is Director of Sabah Ports Sdn. Bhd.)_

Spanning 365 pages, this book is nothing but tremendously impressive, though. Except three chapters that merely touched the surface of the subject of Federalism, Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN) and the negligence of Peninsula Malaysia on the welfare of Sabah and Sarawak, all remaining eleven chapters were tremendously mesmerising. How? Starting from the Foreword, which was written in exquisite prose, Raja Rasiah explained that this was (a book) borne out of concern that Tan Sri Kamal Salih, Datuk Professor Rahman Embong, Tan Sri Nazir Razak, Mohammad Tawfik Ismail were concerned with the direction of the Malaysian government since 2010. While Mohammad Tawfik Ismail, the son of the late Tun Dr Ismail Rahman, did not contribute a chapter, it was obvious that he had done his part as a scrupulous editor too. Astoundingly the book has 33 sets of the latest figures to benchmark Malaysia to key metrics that measure economic development of the developed world, coupled with another twenty-five tables on some of the most important statistics in Malaysia. Among others they range from Self Sufficiency Rates, Key Food Commodities, Malaysia, 2018-2022,; Targeted Self- Sufficiency Rates, Malaysia, 2025-2030 percent, and Shortcomings of Malaysias TVET, 2023. too. A serious Malaysian specialist should be able to read the book in less than 4 hours as each page tells a very structured and systematic manner by which the likes of Tun Razak and some of his closest friends such as Tun Ismail Ali, Musa Hitam and Zain Azrai kept coming up with one social economic plan after the other, especially after the May 13 ethnic riots in 1969, to steer Malaysia back into the right direction. At the core of it was not merely a reference to the National Economic Program (NEP), which was supposed to be race-blind, indeed, to run from 1970 to 1990, but entities such as State Economic Developments Corperations (SEDCs) that were allowed to plant their roots in various states that formed Malaysia. Reading the book, one cannot stop but be awed by the rigor that was put into the book by Rajah Rasiah especially. Single-handedly, Rajah Rasiah contributed five out of the fourteen chapters. However, it is worth mentioning that Tun Abdul Razaks tenure as a Prime Minister while short, his dedication to serving Malaysia was long in coming. Between 1957 and 1970, he had created the Malaysian Industrial Finance (MIDF) in 1960; the Malaysian Industrial Estates Limited (MIEL) in 1964; the Malaysian International Shipping Corporation (MISC) in 1968; the Malaysian Agricultural Research and Development Institute (MARDI) in 1969; Tabung Haji in 1969; the Malaysian Rubber Development Corporation (MARDEC) in 1969; the Malaysian National Insurance Berhad (MNIB) in 1971; not to mention MARA Junior College; Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) in 1970 (see pages 109-110). What made the book an absolute joy to read was the passion of the authors themselves, not merely to celebrate the legacy of Tun Abdul Razak, but to chime in their own thoughts that a new and dynamic Malaysia is still within grasp. In Chapter 1, Rajah Rasiah affirmed that building a better future for Malaysia must address the trend of fall in the government revenue in the face of worsening debt (page 15). In Chapter 2, Abdul Rahman Embong, after explaining the latest dynamics in the last general election in connection in November 19 2022, ended his contribution by asserting: just like the Rukun Negara (coined by Tun Abdul Razak) the concepts of Malaysia Madani and Bangsa Malaysia are non-partisan and non-sectarian and should not be politicised (page 45). In footnote 5, Rahman Embong also sniped at the flaws of Mahathir, who time and again, has always accredited Tun Razak as his mentor, which Rahman Embong clearly disagrees. In Chapter 3, Nazir Razak, the youngest son of Tun Razak, who was barely 9, when his father passed on in 1976, spoke of the importance of involving various stake holders to make the good decisions under the system of deliberative economy (page 67). In the following Chapter 4, Kamal Salih spoke of NEPs original 50-50 proposition of splitting the national wealth. He also warned of the Dutch Disease, or the resource curve of trying to sit on the wealth of the countryside without going into Science, Technology and Investment (STI). In between, the other chapters that were most intriguing were Chapter 9 by Naguib Mohammad Nor, Rajah Rasiah and Kamurul Azman Muhammad. Together the trio map out in elaborate details our vulnerabilities to various kinds of vegetables especially mangoes (See page 219-222). It is not the place of this book review to go through every chapter. But when one fast forward to Chapter 12, the contribution of Anis Yusal Yusoff is just as meaningful on other chapters on Artificial intelligence and Technical Vocational Education Training (TVET). In Chapter 12, Anis explained the strictness by which Tun Razak handled corruption. More importantly this chapter also touched on the existence of the Special Cabinet Committee on Anti-Corruption and National Centre for Governance, Integrity and Anti-Corruption. Unless the country is backed by a strong political will, Malaysia cannot throw away the yoke of corruption that has been a blight on Malaysia both economically and financially (see pages 303-304). Indeed, the mere effort to communicating messages across the government and the grassroots is essential (See page 316). This book is also exceptional in terms of introducing the lay reader of His Royal Highness Sultan Nazrin Shah on two books he has written. Therein Charting the Economy: Early 20th Century Malaya and Contemporary Malaysian Contracts and Striving for Inclusive Developments: From Pangkor to a Modern Malaysian State, both of which were by Oxford University Press in 2017 and 2020 respectively. All said, the book has to be read in full to appreciate the beauty of the scholarship and craftsmanship put into making it one of the best books on modern Malaysian history and developments to come. While this review has taken a positive note, the fact of the matter is Malaysia is reeling from many dark matters, potentially, decay, all of which are fleshed out in the book. Whether it is a soft or hard copy, it is a must by from the Asia Europe Institute (AEI) in University of Malaya or any bookshops in Malaysia or abroad. _(_**Dr Phar Kim Beng**_, Expert Committee Member of Centre of Regional Strategic Studies, CROSS.)_

through political change, overcome supply chain issues caused by Covid, as well as navigated a changing global political landscape. But our commitment to free trade remains steadfast. We are grateful to Malaysia and other free trading nations in CPTPP for their support in making UK membership a reality. In an era which sees rising protectionism and the fragmentation of global supply chains, we need to join together and push for free and fair trade, and membership of CPTPP is a big step in that direction. There are obviously strong economic benefits from the UKs CPTPP membership. With the UK joining, the combined GDP of the CPTPP members has increased from over 9 trillion to around 12 trillion or from around 12 per cent to around 15 per cent of global GDP. With a market of 68 million consumers and the sixth largest economy in the world, the UK is the second largest economy in the grouping, making it an attractive market for Malaysia and all CPTPP countries. Joining this existing trading group means that over 99 per cent of current UK goods exports to CPTPP members will be eligible for tariff-free trade. For example, Malaysia will enjoy cheaper chocolate and cars from the UK; while the UK will enjoy cheaper cocoa and electricals from Malaysia. Tariff liberalisation and new Rules of Origin mean that supply chains can grow between our two countries for example we could see growth in Malaysian aerospace components being exported top tier aerospace manufacturers in the UK, or new investments by automotive companies in each others markets. The UK wants to play an active role in promoting free trade through CPTPP, and promote growth through dialogue partnership with ASEAN. This trade deal also helps position British companies to expand into new markets and follow the likes of HSBC, AstraZeneca and Arup who have been committed to their investments in Malaysia for decades. British and Malaysian businesses will also stand to operate more on a par with local firms. Red tape can be cut and data localisation requirements removed, leading to greater ease of doing business. Not only is joining CPTPP crucial to the UKs economic growth mission, it is also important to our security, and our interest in an open and stable international order. We are embedding ourselves deeper into an existing and emerging network of economic, diplomatic and security partnerships in the region. We want to play an active role in promoting free trade through CPTPP, and promote growth through our dialogue partnership with ASEAN and we are looking forward to working with Malaysia as Chair next year. The UKs membership also sends a very strong signal that CPTPP is an outward-looking group that wishes to welcome into its ranks all countries that wish to trade freely and adhere to high standards and the rule of law. We will champion free and fair trade, fight protectionism and remove barriers to trade at every opportunity. This is a time for businesses to prepare to take advantage of the agreement and boost our bilateral trade that currently stands at 5.7 billion. I urge companies to discover the opportunities created by the UKs membership of the agreement and take advantage before your competitors do it first. _(_**David Wallace**_ is Acting British High Commissioner to Malaysia.)_

underpinned by supportive fiscal policy and accommodative monetary stance, moderate inflation trajectory and stable labour market conditions. Growth drivers of ASEAN were driven by resilient domestic spending, albeit slower. It was observed higher gross fixed capital formation in some economies such as Malaysia in the manufacturing, services, telecommunication sectors and data centres well as public investment in transportation, highways and 5G infrastructure. Public infrastructure spending remains on track in the Philippines. Indonesias infrastructure development, including the new capital city Nusantara, presents opportunities for investors in construction, logistics and real estate. The export-oriented economies have benefited from an improvement in global demand, upturn in global tech cycle and firmer commodity prices. The tourism industry is on track to its full recovery. While the number of tourists has yet returned to pre-COVID-19 pandemic levels for Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Singapore and Thailand, international tourism has bounced back to between 66 per cent and 78 per cent of pre-pandemic levels in the first nine and ten months of 2024, with substantial potential ahead. For three consecutive years (2021-2023), ASEAN has maintained its position as the top FDI among developing regions with FDI inflows reaching a new historical level of US$231.2 billion in 2023 (US$227.9 billion in 2022 and US$209.8 billion in 2021). Amongst the top sources of FDI for ASEAN in 2023 were the United States, intra-ASEAN, China, Hong Kong, China, Japan and South Korea. Based on net FDI inflows in the first half-year and nine months of 2024, it is estimated that net FDI inflows could reach between US$220.0-US$230 billion in 2024. Investment prospects for ASEAN should remain promising in 2025 and beyond. In an era of potentially more disruptions and uncertainties masked by the shifting global economic dynamics, redirection of investment flows and reconfiguration of supply chains to mitigate the geopolitical risks and potential wider scale of trade and technology-related conflicts between the US and China, ASEAN must enhance its resilience and appeal as a leading destination for FDI. ASEAN governments have to drive stronger regional integration as it increases opportunities. The more attractive investment environment, to improve efficiency, to build regional supply chains security and networks, leverage on complementary locational advantages. Amongst ASEAN economies, Malaysia focuses on high growth high value (HGHV) sectors covering digital and technology-based industries; electrical and electronics; data centres, smart agriculture and agro-based activities; rare earth; and energy transition. Key areas of opportunities in Indonesia are renewable energy (solar and hydroelectric power), green technology, healthcare, fintech, and digital economy. Energy, manufacturing, and real estate were the major investment sectors in Vietnam while in the Philippines, the digital economy (fintech, IT, and e-commerce), real estate, infrastructure and renewable energy (such as solar panel manufacturing, wind farm development, and smart grid technologies) some of the most promising industries for investors. Economic diversification and deepening inter-and intra-ASEAN collaboration and integration would ensure a robust ASEAN economies, placing the region in a better position to withstand disruptions in an increasingly multipolar world. Most central banks in Interest rate trajectories in ASEAN are diverging when the US Federal Reserve cut its interest for the first time in four years in September 2024. With inflation pressures cooling off, most central banks in ASEAN economies have cut their interest rates on a measured pace in 2H 2024 as they anchored their domestic-driven economies though the monetary easing are likely to move gradually. Bank Indonesia, Bank of Thailand, the State Bank of Vietnam, and Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas lowered their interest rates to hold up the loosening domestic demand in recent months. The Monetary Authority of Singapore has maintained the prevailing rate of appreciation of the S$NEER policy band until the core inflation is closed to desired levels. Bank Negara Malaysia, meanwhile, has been holding the policy rate steady to support domestic demand amid steadying inflation. A number of central banks in ASEAN will continue to cut interest rate in 2025, but will be shallower than that of advanced economies. The central banks will still be keeping tab on the geopolitical tensions in Ukraine and the Middle East, the monetary stance in advanced economies as well as global commodities and energy markets. For 2025, ASEAN economies are projected to sustain steady growth trajectory, albeit unevenly, with the regions real GDP growth to expand by 4.3 per cent compared to estimated 4.7 per cent in 2024. The 2025 growth projection is premised on continued domestic demand and easier financial conditions on lower interest rates and ample liquidity. However, we caution that the strength of external demand for most ASEAN economies will be impacted at varying degree by President Trumps tariffs threat and domestic tax incentives policy to encourage reshoring of the US companies and investments back to the US. These protected policies are expected to disrupt the trade and investment flows into emerging markets, including ASEAN. Besides specifically targeting imports from China with the imposition tariffs as high as 60 per cent, Trump also signalled the intentions to impose potential tariffs of 10 to 20 per cent on imports from other countries. As ASEAN is the fourth-largest trading partner of the US, exporting a range of raw materials and assemble goods, including electronic components, apparel, footwear, and tires, while importing products such as electrical machinery, petroleum oils, soybeans, and aircraft. The proposed increase in tariffs would make ASEAN goods less competitive in the US market. If the US manufacturing reshores, induced by lower corporate tax rate as promised by Trump, it could reduce demand for ASEANs manufacturing output, impacting the ASEAN suppliers networks, production and exports. The potential impacted industries could be textiles, semiconductors, telecommunications, electrical equipment, machinery, computers, and automotive industries. However, ASEAN remains a hot spot for investment in the global economy given its diverse economic structures, demographic dividend and a large domestic market, and strategic position as attractive manufacturing hub as well as the regions integration with global supply chains. During the first-term presidency of Donald Trump, US-China trade tensions have caused trade diversion and the part relocation of production operation in China to nearby countries, benefitting ASEAN countries under a China Plus One strategy. Trump 2.0 will inevitably impact on ASEAN, though the direct and indirect effects can be partially mitigated by resilient domestic demand. ASEAN must continue its economic diversification, deepen regional cooperation and economic partnerships, strengthen supply chains and expanding trade ties through ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA), Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). Additionally, ASEAN businesses must proactively engage in forging strategic partnership and business-business relations with non-traditional countries to mitigate the risks induced by the US economic policy. In conclusion, economic diversification and deepening inter-and intra-ASEAN collaboration and integration would ensure a robust ASEAN economies, placing the region in a better position to withstand disruptions in an increasingly multipolar world. _(_**Lee Heng Guie**_, Executive Director of Socio-Economic Research Center (SERC), the Associated Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry Malaysia, ACCCIM.)_

cultivating meaningful international partnerships has never been more critical. The Russia-ASEAN collaboration, rooted in **shared aspirations and mutual interests**, offers a rare chance to redefine the region's economic, technological, and educational trajectories. With both sides demonstrating a clear commitment to strengthening ties, the potential for innovation, sustainability, and long-term prosperity is boundless. In todays volatile geopolitical climate, reliance on a single currency like the U.S. dollar exposes nations to external risks and economic instability. Recognising this shared challenge, Russia and ASEAN have expressed a mutual interest in reducing their dependence on the dollar. ASEAN has already taken meaningful steps through the adoption of local currency settlement mechanisms, while Russia is advancing innovative blockchain-based solutions to streamline cross-border transactions. A concerted effort between these partners to diversify currency usage could significantly bolster economic sovereignty, safeguard trade relationships, and pave the way for a more resilient and stable financial ecosystem. Such measures would strengthen economic ties and position the region as a global leader in financial innovation and resilience. Russias expertise in smart city technologies spanning IoT for urban management, scalable AI platforms for city services, and advanced infrastructure engineering offers significant opportunities for collaboration. Notably, the smart city initiatives in Thailand, championed by the Russia-ASEAN Business Council, demonstrate the potential of such partnerships. Building on this success, Russia and ASEAN can co-develop scalable, technology-driven solutions to address urban challenges and enhance the quality of life across the region. Nuclear energy presents a compelling opportunity for collaboration, particularly given Russias extensive expertise in nuclear physics. Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) represent a particularly promising avenue. While still an emerging technology attracting global investment, operational SMRs currently exist only in China and Russia. Russia is advancing its first land-based SMR, the RITM-200N, with a 55MW capacity and commissioning slated for 2028, following the success of its earlier SMR, the KLT-40S, used in a floating nuclear station. Collaboration with Russia and China would enable Malaysia to tap into their advanced technologies and extensive expertise, accelerating progress in nuclear energy development and securing long-term energy resilience. **Educational partnerships in science: Shaping our digital future** Partnering with Russian institutions to train local specialists in fields critical to Malaysias digital future, such as nuclear and quantum physics, presents a significant opportunity. Russias **globally renowned universities, which lead cutting-edge research in these areas**, offer a pathway to transform Malaysias educational and workforce landscape. For example, the Moscow Engineering Physics Institute (MEPhI) is already engaging in initiatives to support international collaboration, and working with such institutions could greatly enhance Malaysias expertise in nuclear science and technology. Russia, a **global leader with a robust national quantum strategy**, brings invaluable expertise to this domain. Collaborating with Russian experts could bolster Malaysias capabilities, propelling advancements in quantum technologies and positioning the nation at the forefront of this transformative field. Food security remains a top priority for ASEAN, and leveraging Russias advancements in agricultural technology such as precision farming and biotechnology could significantly enhance productivity while fostering sustainable food systems across the region. Russias expertise and readily deployable solutions in this domain represent a valuable resource that Malaysia and ASEAN must actively engage to address food security challenges effectively. Our partnership should expand beyond traditional sectors to include high-growth industries such as aerospace, pharmaceuticals, and logistics. Exploring these untapped opportunities will not only inspire businesses to move beyond conventional trade but **drive innovation in emerging markets**. For instance, collaborating with Russia on infrastructure projects offers immense potential, particularly in transportation and urban planning. Russias expertise in railway technology could significantly enhance Malaysias development of railways, ports, and airports, bolstering connectivity and economic growth. Space technology presents an exciting frontier for collaboration. By partnering with Russia in satellite development, launch services, and satellite-based communication systems, Malaysia can leverage advanced space technologies to enhance telecommunications, weather forecasting, and disaster management capabilities. Joint ventures in space research could further open new scientific and technological horizons. With Russias unparalleled expertise in aerospace engineering, space exploration becomes a particularly promising avenue. Entrepreneurs and governments are already eyeing the moon, asteroids, and other celestial bodies as untapped resources for sustaining humanity, offering materials such as water, gold, cobalt, and iron. This collaboration could position both nations at the forefront of a new era in space exploration. In the pharmaceutical sector, partnering with Russia offers the chance to produce **affordable** generic medicines, improving healthcare accessibility for Malaysia and the region and controlling medical inflation. Joint efforts in drug development and clinical trials could address pressing regional health challenges, fostering innovation and strengthening public health systems. Overall, **expanding our trade portfolio** lays a robust foundation for sustained economic growth. Diversification not only ensures long-term stability but also unlocks avenues for innovation across industries, fostering an agile and resilient economy. The opportunities before us are vast and ripe for exploration. When partners collaborate with a spirit of diplomacy and mutual respect rejecting the use of trade, financing, investment, knowledge sharing, and technology transfer as instruments of coercion such alliances inevitably yield profound and measurable outcomes and impacts for many! Together, we hold the power to realise a shared vision of resilient, innovative, and inclusive economies. By aligning our efforts, we can transform collective aspirations into tangible progress, forging a future defined by shared success and enduring prosperity. (**Dr Rais Hussin**_ is the Founder of EMIR Research, a think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.)_

echoes of history remind us that such moments are but the first steps in the arduous journey of transition. Assads dramatic departure is reminiscent of other despots forced into exile: Ferdinand Marcos Sr. fleeing to Hawaii in 1986, laden with treasures looted from the Philippine people; Muammar Gaddafis brutal demise in Libya; and Saddam Husseins humiliating fall in Iraq. Each instance of a dictators downfall has triggered euphoria, but also exposed deep challenges in the aftermath. For Syria, these challenges loom large, as the nation grapples with the legacies of autocratic rule, civil war, and external meddling. For over 50 years, the Assad family ruled with an iron fist, crushing dissent and maintaining power through a maze of alliances. The civil war that erupted in 2011 triggered heightened repression, leading to decades of unimaginable suffering: hundreds of thousands dead and millions displaced. Scenes of jubilation in Syria mirror those of the Edsa People Power Revolution in the Philippines, where citizens took to the streets to topple Marcos Sr.s regime. Just as Filipinos dismantled the vestiges of a dictators reign smashing statues and reclaiming public spaces Syrians now seize the moment to exorcise symbols of the Assad familys domination. Yet, while the Philippines managed a relatively swift transition to democratic rule, Syrias path is far more uncertain. History offers cautionary tales for Syria. Libya and Iraq, both torn apart after the fall of autocratic regimes, failed to establish stable political orders. These examples highlight the dangers of power vacuums and unbridled factionalism. Syrias deeply fragmented opposition, including Islamist groups like Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and Kurdish factions under the Syrian Democratic Forces, is emblematic of these challenges. HTS, despite its pledge to embrace inclusivity, remains burdened by a controversial past with ties to al-Qaida, casting doubt on its ability to foster unity. The stakes are further complicated by Syrias geopolitical significance. Regional powers such as Turkey, Iran, and Israel, alongside global actors like Russia and the United States, have entrenched themselves in the conflict. Israels recent seizure of a buffer zone in the Golan Heights, Turkeys ongoing skirmishes with Kurdish forces, Russian interests in maintaining influence, and US pre-emptive strikes to deny weapons caches from remnant ISIS forces, underscore the volatile landscape. Any transition must navigate these external pressures while addressing domestic fissures. The nations ethnic and sectarian divisions, exacerbated by years of war, require sensitive reconciliation efforts. The abundance of weapons among various factions raises the spectre of prolonged violence, as former allies in the fight against the Assad regime may turn on one another. Syrias infrastructure lies in ruins, and its oil reserves, controlled by Kurdish forces, remain a contentious issue. International aid and investment are essential for rebuilding, but political instability and mistrust could hinder these efforts. Despite these challenges, there are reasons for cautious optimism. Rebel leaders have expressed commitments to pluralism and minority rights, signalling a potential departure from the Assad regimes exclusionary policies. Turkey, despite its complex role in the conflict, sees stability in Syria as a chance to repatriate millions of Syrian refugees. The international community, led by the United Nations, has pledged support for a peaceful transition. Such external engagement, coupled with lessons learned from other post-conflict transitions, could provide a framework for demilitarisation, power sharing, and justice. The experiences of the Philippines, Libya, and Iraq serve as reminders of the perils and possibilities inherent in regime change. While the fall of Bashar al-Assad is a victory for the Syrian people, the road ahead demands wisdom, resilience, and unity. In the Edsa People Power Revolution, Filipinos found strength in collective action, dismantling martial rule, and reclaiming democracy. Similarly, Syrians now have the opportunity to forge a new identity rooted in inclusivity and justice. The fall of Bashar al-Assad is an opportunity for reinvention, though fraught with risks. The lessons of history caution against complacency. Celebrations must give way to dialogue, and euphoria must be tempered by the hard work of nation-building.

both KJ and I would dearly love to see. I remember one young Umno member again calling the rakyat beruk-beruk when the people were demonstrating to demand justice and reform. That same young man, I think, also uses derogatory innuendos of Anwar Ibrahim with his main belakang expressions. I am very sure both KJ and I remember these things and hope that Umno of the present would change and respect both the rakyat and any human being with dignity. Then I remember Tun M using the word pendatang so many times, but I do not remember any Umno leader advising the old man from using it. Do you? I forgot who were the big guns in Umno then or who the Youth leader was. I do hope that future Umno leader would not insult our rakyat like Tun M anymore. I do hope that Khairy Jamaluddin would re-join Umno. It seems the new Zahid Hamidi is susceptible to change but I do not know how the likes of Akmal Saleh would feel about this kind of change. Would it be difficult for Umno to talk to DAP or Chinese without pursed lips and wagging fingers or using derogatory words like Nyonya Tua? I hope that when KJ comes back in, he would champion the change that he himself said he would want. Then, I also remember one handsome and good-looking Umno big wig insulting Nga Kor Ming, who was acting as Speaker in Parliament, by calling him purposely as Taliban. But after being advised, this handsome leader _tarik balik_. For me, the act of _tarik balik_ when you purposely use the words will probably be recorded by the Angels or Malaikat Raqib and Atiq as an intentional and a purposeful act in the Hereafter. Then of course there is a load of corruption during the time KJ was an active member and a minor big wig. There was corruption of military helicopters which I am not sure were delivered full, or if are still in good condition today. I remember a fleet of war ships that were supposed to be delivered in complete ready for action but again we the rakyat dont know if these ships can move on water or if it even has a propeller. I am sure this is what KJ would mean by change so that our countrys safety is not compromised by submarines that wont submerge, or warships that cant fire its cannons or helicopters that can or cannot fly well in combat. We heard of some military tanks _rosak _in the middle of the road, and all this sub-par quality makes us Malaysians wonder if we will ever survive an invasion of a big country or a little one. Is Najib innocent? If Najib was innocent, why have we never heard any protests or questions from top Umno leaders except Mahiaddin and Shafie? If KJ believes that Najib was guilty, then I am sure this is what he means by change in Umno and not being a yes-man. I do hope that Khairy Jamaluddin would re-join Umno by making an appeal. I do hope that KJ would continue his exceptionally popular podcast Keluar Sekejap and begin a new one called Masuk Kembali. Like KJ, I pray for a changed Umno and that he would never be a yes-man, just like Akmal Saleh. For the sake of a new and better Malaysia, I hope all of us Malaysians, including KJ and Umno, must change ourselves in order to be worthy of our beloved country and as a beacon of hope for our new generations, now and in the future. __(__****Prof Dr. Mohd Tajuddin Mohd Rasdi****__is Professor of Architecture at a local university and his writing reflects his own personal opinion entirely.)__

far exceeds human capabilities, offering critical advantages. Emir Research's systematic analysis in Global P/CVE Trends: A Roadmap for Malaysias Resilience emphasises the global best practice of integrating intelligence, evidence-based strategies, and advanced technology in Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE). However, in ASEAN, nations like Malaysia and Thailand often rely on traditional militaristic methods to address VE Terrorist groups often outpace governments in leveraging unregulated AI technologies, heightening VE threats and undermining P/CVE efforts (Lakomy, 2023). By exploiting AI to enhance operations, expand reach, and evade detection, VE actors gain a significant advantage. **Falling even a step behind **allows them to innovate unchecked, exacerbating the threat and widening the gap between their capabilities and state-led countermeasures. One of the most surprising and lesser-known AI uses by VE is **AI-powered sentiment analysis and social engineering tools to manipulate public opinion and incite unrest**. Advanced algorithms analyse social media trends, public sentiment, and behavioural patterns to **identify societal fractures,** enabling the creation of **targeted disinformation campaigns that exploit existing divisions**. VE actors exploit sentiment analysis to create **highly personalised propaganda** and fake news, deepening divisions, inciting conflicts, and recruiting supporters. As self-radicalisation and lone-wolf attacks rise globally, including in Malaysia, unchecked AI technologies pose a significant risk of amplifying access to online VE propaganda. The anonymous and decentralised nature of cryptocurrencies, such as Bitcoin, has made them indispensable for VE organisations in raising and transferring funds across borders. Moreover, by utilising AI-driven algorithms, terrorists exploit cryptocurrencies to purchase illegal weapons, forged documents, and other illicit goods and services on the dark web. These examples of AI usage by VE clearly demonstrate its **worrying sophistication**, underscoring the **urgent need for robust AI governance and advanced countermeasures** to address these escalating threats effectively. **Anticipating VE actors exploitation of AI and other advanced tech** and devising countermeasures is critical. For instance, if they use AI to design explosives or weapons, security agencies must leverage AI to identify and tightly regulate precursor chemicals or if VE groups employ AI to disguise messages within innocuous content, security forces must deploy AI to detect and decode such materials, etc. **The potential of AI and VR technologies in P/CVE** AI and Virtual Reality (VR) hold significant potential in P/CVE but remain underutilised, with VR being particularly untapped. To counter the technological advancements of VE actors, governments must proactively invest in developing and deploying AI and VR technologies. Key applications include content moderation, predictive analytics, counter-messaging, and emergency response training. Tech companies often rely on automated content moderation to manage harmful content, including VE materials, by removing, reducing visibility, or redirecting users. Platforms like Facebook and Google utilise machine learning (ML) technologies, such as language models, to detect and filter such content. However, human expertise remains crucial, as addressing the nuanced drivers of VE requires context and cultural sensitivity beyond AIs current capabilities. Following the Global Internet Forum to Counter-Terrorism (GIFCT) model, Malaysia should collaborate with major technology companies to establish a shared industry database that streamlines cross-platform coordination in removing VE content, while maintaining strict data privacy standards. A shared database is also vital because automated ML-based content moderation depends heavily on robust training data. With fewer than 40,000 examples, for instance, accuracy drops significantly. As these tools are often trained predominantly in major languages, caution is essential when applying them to minority languages, particularly those spoken in South and Southeast Asia. While AI technologies are used to craft personalised VE propaganda, they can also be leveraged to create highly tailored counter-narratives. AI chatbots can be trained on data reflecting the extremist ideologies of specific VE groups such as social media posts, videos, and articles enabling them to "think" like radicalised individuals. Counter-VE practitioners can then utilise these chatbots to test and refine narratives, identifying the most effective strategies for promoting deradicalisation. AI models can also predict the potential activities of at-risk individuals by analysing real-time data on their online behaviours. While predictive analytics show promise for detecting and intercepting VE activities, they are limited by the inherent unpredictability of human behaviour and raise ethical concerns about discriminatory bias and unwarranted mass surveillance. Conventional counter-terrorism training such as drills has several restraints, including the absence of realistic scenarios and a lack of personalised performance feedback. In contrast, VR allows trainees to practise in a **controlled and repeatable** environment without exposing them to genuine danger. This suggests that VR offers a cost-effective method for data collection in emergency scenarios, providing realistic and controlled environments without the logistical challenges of physical drills. _Figure 1_ highlights additional innovative and impactful applications of AI and VR in P/CVE initiatives. Globally, there is a growing disproportionate focus on integrating advanced technology into P/CVE efforts, moving beyond mere buzzwords. Also, in leading AI nations, governments are often the **first big customers of AI**. As Malaysia seeks to lead in the AI space, it must embrace this trend and **meaningfully integrate advanced technologies into P/CVE efforts and broader public service delivery**. _(_**Dr Margarita Peredaryenko**_ and _**Avyce Heng**_ are part of the research team at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.)_

school, Anwar excelled at the Malay College of Kuala Kangsar (MCKK), an institution that began with an M. Now, had Anwar studied at Penang Free School, for instance, no matter how much of a rabble rouser he was to become at Universiti Malaya in the early 1970s, Anwar would not have been seen by his critics as a rabble rouser, but a promising leader. Penang Free School would have suited Anwar like a glove as compared to the Malacca High School or the La Salle School in Kuala Lumpur. However, excelling in all his exams in MCKK in Perak, indeed going on to be the Head Prefect of the school, Anwar was educated in an environment where he could see the differences and weaknesses of the Malays, invariably, Muslim Community with the clearest vision. The Malaysian intelligence agency could not have missed the chance to identify his strengths and weaknesses, one of which was the proclivity to focus on political Islam that the establishment in the 2000s still disliked. Rich or poor, Anwar was marked by the state and powers that be. In turn, Anwar has had to decipher the pluses and minuses of the Malay world in elaborate speeches, often telling his audience what he is not. Such speech acts would extend to the West, that he is not an Islamic extremist, especially when he is speaking up on the complexities in the Middle East. The heavy need to battle this characterisation head on has often diverted Anwar from saying the obvious: he is but a national and global progressive focused on fairness and justice. Since the UN Security Council (UNSC) is shaped to favour those with naked power and the undiminished will of single-minded aggression, Anwar will forever be faced with the challenges of the moneyed class gone rotten regardless of whether they are in the Global North or South. Since the moneyed class in the Global South provides a lower threshold for Anwar to break in, his statecraft has had to consider the importance of BRICS, a move which has invited the derision that Anwar can never upend the current order from World War II. Of course, Anwar will fight to transform the mangled world order, whether using the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) or the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and indeed the East Asian Summit (EAS), to speak against the atrocities of the world, anything from the causes of colonialism to climate change. Anwar has to be measured and mature enough to accept the world functions on realistic change. Not idealistic aspirations alone. More than anything else, Malaysians have to understand this transaction cost too. Moulding the world, comes with the thorny issue of understanding the limitations posed by women and men themselves, notwithstanding the fact that the world is created as an Imago Dei: the image of God the latter being a belief affirmed by all Abrahamic faiths according to Professor Osman Bakar, the Rector of the International Islamic University of Malaysia. Through the above optics of M, one can further understand that Anwar is always caught in a world that is not binary, black and white. If anything, it is always in multiple shades. Precisely because of Anwars sophisticated world view, Anwar was one of the first to successfully climb to the very top of the United Malays National Organisation (Umno). While the earlier Anwar in Umno was a force to be reckoned with from 1981 to 1999, Anwar had to cultivate a new group of leaders from scratch in the Justice Party, a party that is based on multicultural and multiracial composition. While such a form of politics is entrenched in Sarawak and Sabah, it is not as firmly established in Peninsular Malaysia. Everything that has gone wrong with the political career of Anwar Ibrahim began with an M. Hence, Anwar had to consider a Grand Coalition with parties in Sarawak and Sabah, some of which have not escaped the politics of rent (i.e. corruption) to make their keeps. Anwar cannot lash them anymore, nor can he attack all states in Peninsular. In this sense, Anwar can only succeed as and when he forms a coalition. The very fact that he has a two-thirds majority in Parliament right now is not so much a testament to Anwars negotiating skills alone but the minority parties ability to try to hold Anwar to ransom too. Hence, political scientists who insist Anwar must be as tenacious as Mahathir do not understand how fragile the original basis of Anwars power. Even as late as November 2024, the President of Umno, invariably, Zahid Hamidi, who is concurrently the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, has confessed that the likes of him is still being baited to abandon the current Unity Government sanctioned by the King. When seen through this lens, it is understandable why Anwar can never get along with Mahathir. The latter believes deeply in dividing and conquering his enemies with various mendacious schemes. Before Mahathir checkmated himself at the ripe old age of 94 for being the Master Conspirator of the Sheraton Move on February 23, 2020, a move where Mahathir earned the total distrust of all Malaysians as the country was just about to face a serious pandemic on March 18, 2020, when power not only slipped away from Mahathir, but the premiership subsequently slipped into the hands of two other inconsequential leaders, which history will never remember other than the Movement Control Order (MCO) that Mahathirs successors had imposed. Not surprisingly, Anwar is extremely conscious of his reputation. Any wrong moves or aspersions will be cast upon his good name and that of his political party. The cost would be too high to pay. Thus, Anwar, for now, has staked his name and legacy on becoming the most accomplished Muslim Prime Minister, albeit by explaining that being a Muslim means being connected to the universal values of justice and democracy. To achieve that, Anwar has had to latch on to another M the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Agency (MACC), to pursue a comprehensive anti-corruption agenda. Naturally, the very people who tried to challenge Anwar have been those who had feted themselves to billions of dollars from the government. From the state largesse. By this token, as and when one of the accused suddenly perishes in old age, Anwars reputation has taken a hit. Why? This is due to the complex process of trying to re-trace decades of corruption, with which the family of the now demised accused had found the time to re-plan their media offensive. In the case of Daim Zainuddin, his wife has issued the challenge to Anwar to come gunning for her and the whole family, and that the family is not afraid. Of course, the family can feign fearlessness because the extent of the criminal laws in Malaysia stops at the physical death of a person. Yet, such a person could not have failed to understand the need to first transfer the assets and properties to his or her close family members to avoid any kind of legal culpability altogether. A standard technique in any form of evasive action when one is afraid of being criminally indicted while alive. But what the media in Malaysia has often not been able to explain is the difference between civil and criminal laws. The fact is, the investigation of MACC remains in place to go deep into the familys excessive wealth while in office. When indicted under the civil law, the forfeiture of billions of illegal funds that have been funnelled away remains a legal sentence that the accuseds surviving family cannot run away from. Thus, when the cases are exhausted through all legal avenues be it High Court, the Federal Court, or for that matter the Court of Appeals the long arm of the law will continue to come at these wildly moneyed classes. In other words, the accused may be six feet under, but the lions share of the larceny, even when transferred to another name or names of other family members, will not remain immune. Anwar, in this sense, will always be weighed down by the media in Malaysia. Media deficit, coupled with the inability of Malaysian thinkers to explain the intricacies of the Madani government as one shaped by the need to be as compassionate as possible while pursuing all kinds of reforms, will weigh Anwar down for now. Be that as it may, Anwar belongs to a small class of politicians who had bounced back from various purges before, such as Deng Xiaoping of China, Vaclav Havel of the Czech Republic, Lula Da Silvio of Brazil, and last but not least, Nelson Mandela of South Africa each and every one of them defied all odds to return truly triumphant. To garner such a distinction, however, Anwar cannot lose the next General Election two or three years away from now, without which his seeming status as an immortal would be rendered as but that of a mere Man. The last M! _(_**Dr Phar Kim Beng**_, Expert Committee Member of Centre of Regional Strategic Studies, CROSS.)_

call on Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM) to intervene. However, are costs now so high that, without pricing adjustments, private hospitals and, by extension, insurance companies would face financial losses? After all, insurance companies settle medical claims based on the bills issued by the private hospitals treating their clients. A cursory examination of their financial statements suggests otherwise, as some insurance companies report annual profits in the hundreds of millions. Perhaps the rising medical costs are indeed too great for private hospitals to absorb without increasing their prices, inevitably shifting the burden to insurers. Yet, an examination of private hospital groups financial reports suggests a different narrative. It appears that the claimed medical inflation has already been accounted for by insurers, with adjustments seemingly passed on to patients and consumers rather than being absorbed by private hospitals or insurers. Theres a pressing need to regulate the pricing of private hospitals and medical insurance premiums. Currently, the only regulatory measures in place are the requirement for insurers to offer co-payment medical insurance policies and the limitation on private doctors consultation fees under Private Healthcare Facilities and Services Act 1998 (Act 586). To regulate medical insurance premiums effectively it is crucial to ensure that private hospitals do not overcharge their patients. The existing requirement for itemised billing greatly enhances transparency by detailing how hospitals charge for their services. However, this alone is not sufficient to prevent overcharging. The value-based healthcare (VBHC) model proposed by the Ministry of Health (MOH) is a promising step towards alleviating patients financial burdens. This model aims to improve not only the quality but also the outcomes of medical care while helping patients reduce overall medical costs. Furthermore, the Minister of Health, Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad, has proposed the adoption of a diagnostic-related group (DRG) system. This approach can also reduce the financial burden on patients by lowering treatment costs and enhancing efficiency. However, the two pricing systems proposed by the MOH are not fool-proof in preventing private hospitals from taking advantage of patients to maximise profits. The VBHC model carries the risk of hospitals deprioritising patients with complex medical conditions, while DRG system could result in patients being discharge prematurely, potentially jeopardising their recovery. Proper regulation is needed to ensure that patients experiences are not compromised in the pursuit of lowering treatment costs. Thus, the government must adopt and mandate a uniform system nationwide, rather than allowing operators to make independent decisions. As for insurers, according to BNM (2024), insurance and takaful operators are required to offer co-payment policy options to consumers starting 1 September 2024. These policies may take one of two forms: either a co-payment of at least 5 per cent of total claimable expenses per year, subject to a limit set by insurers, or a deductible of RM500 per year. However, offering co-payment options alone is insufficient to curb the rising costs. Just two months after the directive was implemented, insurers were reported to wanting to raise the premiums. While the co-payment option reduces monthly payment burdens, it increases out-of-pocket expenses, which can be particularly devastating to individuals with limited savings. A 40 per cent to 70 per cent price hike is excessively steep and cannot be justified solely by medical claim inflation, which, as highlighted earlier, has had minimal impact on insurers profit before tax. Consumers have also reported annual increase in premiums even before the last price hikes. By adopting guidelines that mandate insurers to justify premium increases transparently and base these adjustments on medical inflation, BNM could ensure greater accountability. The steep rise in medical insurance premiums has the potential to create ripple effects across the nations healthcare system. With the interest of people in mind, it is imperative for the government to regulate the industry and ensure that healthcare remains a basic necessity rather than a luxury. _(_**Chia Chu Hang**_ is a Research Assistant at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.)_

possibility is not high, but not impossible either. Many pundits in international relations have recently proposed that idea as Koreas position in the world ascends continuously. In a column early this year, Ronald Klain, President Bidens former chief of staff, argued that the G7 has to be expanded into the G9, including Korea and Australia, as a counter-weight to the ever-growing BRICS. The five-member alliance of the emerging economies (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) recently accepted five new members (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Iran, Egypt and Ethiopia) to become a powerful political bloc largely composed of authoritarian countries. Klain believes the G9 of democratic countries can successfully curb the authoritarian slanting of the world. Koreas former Foreign Minister Park Jin elaborated that logic in a press meeting last month. Koreas membership will significantly expand the vision and philosophy of the G7, Park said. It not only helps Korea, but also promotes the democracy, free market, human rights and rule of law upheld by the G7. He added G7 Plus has been a key project of the Yoon Suk Yeol administration as part of its efforts to make Korea the Global Pivotal State that plays a more active role in international affairs. Park said the next G7 Summit in Canada in June 2025 will be a turning point for its possible expansion As the most powerful member of the G7, the US no doubt has the biggest say in admitting any new members. In that regard, incoming President Trump is not totally against the G7s expansion. While in office, he in fact proposed to turn the G7 to the G10, including Korea, Australia and India. He even floated the idea of the G11, including Russia. Now that Russia and India are out of question due to Russias invasion of Ukraine and Indias increasingly authoritarian Hindu nationalism under Prime Minister Modi, analysts say, Korea and Australia remain the only viable candidates. In many aspects, Korea fully qualifies as a new G9 member. Korea is one of only seven countries in the world that have a population of more than 50 million people and a per capita income of more than $30,000. Its per capita income is now larger than that of Japan. Koreas trade volume is bigger that those of Italy and Canada. In terms of population size, Korea is also greater than Canada. Koreas mature democracy, coupled with a vibrant market economy, is in par with those of the current seven members. Additionally, Korea boasts a highly attractive pop culture that captivates many young fans around the world. Analysts believe the fast-changing geopolitical landscape of the world urgently requires the G7s expansion. The world is increasingly divided into the democratic and authoritarian blocs, exemplified by the US-China confrontation. As noted, BRICS is gaining more support from the non-West world of Global South. In addition to five new members, dozens of other authoritarian countries, such as Turkey and Belarus, wish to join BRICS, challenging the US-led global world order. Currently, the G7 accounts for only 10 per cent of world population, compared with 45 per cent for BRICS. In terms of gross domestic product, the G7 makes up 30 per cent of the worlds total, smaller than 35 per cent for BRICS. While the G7s economies grow by an average of 1.7 per cent per year, that number is 4.4 per cent for the BRICS. Amid a waning G7 influence in the world, there have been some efforts to rectify that. The G20 was born out of that need. But the G20 has also faltered recently due to a divide within the organisation between democratic and autocratic members. The G20 is not the only international organisation deadlocked due to the surging ideological chasm in the world. The United Nations is also suffering from inertia as its Security Council is sharply divided between the three Western permanent members (US, UK and France) and the two non-Western members (Russia and China). Given the necessity for the G7s expansion that can fill the void left by the sluggish UN and the G20, Korea needs to lobby actively for a G9 membership. The biggest hurdle in that attempt could be Japan. As the only Asian member of the G7, Japan naturally opposes any new Asian members that can dilute its influence. Yet recent rapprochement between Seoul and Tokyo could alter Japans position. The trilateral partnership among Seoul, Tokyo and Washington, forged firmly under the nudging of President Biden, can be another drive for Koreas membership. Amid an ever-strengthening security alliance among North Korea, Russia and China and ensuing military threats in the region, Washington and Tokyo have all the more reasons to embrace Seoul. It would be wonderful if that embracement comes in the form of a G9 membership.

endured decades of systematic oppression, displacement and violence, this move is more than symbolic, it is an overdue acknowledgment of their suffering. A panel of three ICC judges will now determine whether sufficient evidence exists to hold Min Aung Hlaing accountable for these crimes. While no fixed timeline governs the decision, similar deliberations typically take around three months. If approved, this would send a resounding message: Impunity is no longer assured. As Indonesias representative to the ASEAN Inter-governmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), I welcome this development. It underscores the international communitys resolve to combat impunity and seek accountability for some of the most heinous atrocities of our time. The ICCs request follows a painstaking five-year investigation into the brutal campaign of terror unleashed on the Rohingya during 2016 and 2017. These atrocities, often referred to as the Rohingya genocide, included mass killings, widespread sexual violence and the complete destruction of villages. Over 750,000 Rohingya were forcibly displaced to Bangladesh, joining hundreds of thousands already exiled by earlier waves of violence. The human toll has been staggering: At least 10,000 killed and countless others scarred physically and emotionally. Yet, while this development offers a glimmer of hope, it is not enough. The ICCs jurisdiction is limited to crimes committed during a specific timeframe in 2017 and focuses solely on the Rohingya. This narrow scope risks overshadowing the on-going atrocities perpetrated by the Myanmar military, particularly following its 2021 coup. Since then, the junta has intensified its campaign of violence, resulting in over 6,000 deaths and displacing more than 3 million people. Justice must encompass both past and present crimes to comprehensively address the militarys brutality. Moreover, the plight of Rohingya refugees continues. Nearly a million remain trapped in overcrowded camps in Bangladesh, where they endure malnutrition, disease, violence and a lack of basic rights such as education and livelihoods. For them, the ICCs pursuit of justice is a distant process, offering little immediate relief from their grim reality. It is essential to address not only accountability, but also the root causes of their plight and the broader humanitarian crisis. The ICCs actions, while significant, do not operate in isolation. They complement parallel efforts, such as The Gambias case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which accuses Myanmar of violating the Genocide Convention. Additionally, the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), established by the United Nations, continues to collect evidence of crimes committed since 2011, including those post-coup. However, challenges persist: The ICJ case has faced procedural delays and Myanmars junta has shown little willingness to cooperate. The ICCs success, therefore, hinges on robust support from regional and global actors. One of the most glaring gaps in the fight for justice has been the regional response, particularly from ASEAN. For far too long, ASEANs adherence to its principle of non-interference has rendered it ineffective in addressing the Myanmar crisis. Despite adopting a Five-Point Consensus in 2021, the bloc has achieved little, as the military junta continues to defy both regional and international pressures. This inertia undermines ASEANs credibility and betrays its stated commitment to human rights and justice. The ICCs arrest warrant request challenges the systemic impunity that has allowed Myanmars military to act with brutality for decades. By targeting Min Aung Hlaing, the ICC undermines the juntas legitimacy, both internationally and within ASEAN. This move sends a powerful signal to Myanmars beleaguered population that their suffering has not been forgotten and that justice remains a possibility. It also further isolates the junta, even among ASEAN member states, some of whom are increasingly uneasy about associating with a regime accused of war crimes. However, legal accountability alone will not suffice. Justice for Myanmars victims demands sustained political will, coordinated regional and international efforts and an unrelenting commitment to human rights. ASEAN must rise above political expediency and reaffirm its dedication to justice and accountability. By doing so, it can meaningfully contribute to the global fight against impunity and restore its credibility as a regional body committed to human rights. This moment should also serve as a wake-up call for ASEAN to abandon its inertia and adopt a united stance. The blocs failure to act decisively not only shields perpetrators, but also perpetuates suffering. ASEAN must seize this opportunity to reassert its moral and political obligations, aligning itself with international efforts to hold Myanmars junta accountable. ASEAN must also prioritise humanitarian assistance to displaced communities, guaranteeing their safety, dignity and basic needs. Furthermore, the bloc should advocate for conditions that enable the Rohingyas safe and voluntary repatriation, free from the threat of military tyranny. The ICCs arrest warrant request is not the end but a critical beginning. It represents an important step in the long and arduous journey toward justice for the Rohingya and all of Myanmars marginalised communities. However, it is now up to ASEAN, the UN and the international community to build on this momentum. This includes amplifying the ICCs work, ensuring the protection of displaced communities and supporting Myanmars democratic movement. Only through collective action can we hope to address the horrors faced by the Rohingya and other victims of the juntas oppression. Together, regional and global actors can pave the way for a future grounded in justice, accountability and human dignity, a future where Myanmars people, including the Rohingya, can live in peace and security.

too eager to take possession of. A case in point is the recent ASEAN Ministers on Energy Meeting in Vientiane, Laos, where most dialogue partners were present, but the EU was not, despite having much to offer in areas like energy transition and the development of a regional power grid. In short, the EU must get back in the game before it risks conceding ground to more active players. Over the past decade of working on EU-ASEAN business relations, I can confidently say we have scored high in our trade and investment interactions with ASEAN. The free trade agreements (FTAs) have been sealed with Vietnam and Singapore, which also recently signed a digital trade agreement with the EU, while on-going FTA negotiations with Indonesia, Thailand, and soon, the Philippines, are dribbling toward even stronger ties. It is clear that on the trade front, we are making great strides. We just have to keep up the momentum and advance this progress. Meanwhile, the EU and ASEAN now share a strategic partnership, bolstered by a plan of action to bring it to life. On paper, it is an impressive game plan, highlighting many potential and actual areas of collaboration. Yet, much of the action remains under the radar, uncelebrated. That is a pity and a missed goal opportunity since ASEANs other dialogue partners are quick to trumpet their contributions to the region, even when they are smaller in comparison. It should come as no surprise then that many of these countries enjoy a comprehensive strategic partnership with ASEAN, while the EU is left hoping for an upgrade in 2027 when both sides celebrate 50 years of bilateral relations. ASEAN is central to the EUs Indo-Pacific policy and the regional bloc has explicitly called for greater engagement with all its dialogue partners to balance geopolitical dynamics and drive a more just, equitable, and sustainable regional development. ASEAN is central to the EUs Indo-Pacific policy and the regional bloc has explicitly called for greater engagement with all its dialogue partners to balance geopolitical dynamics and drive a more just, equitable, and sustainable regional development. Yet, despite these clear signals, the EUs response has been lukewarm, creating a vacuum that is being filled by other global players, including Russia and China, that are more than willing to exploit the opportunities that come with deeper engagement. The biggest concern for European businesses is the glaring lack of EU engagement at the highest levels in key areas. A European trade commissioner has not physically met their ASEAN counterparts in person since 2018, and that was the case again this year. Though travel restrictions during the pandemic was behind this, ASEANs other dialogue partners consistently show up at the ministerial level, especially on digital, health, agriculture, energy, transportation, customs, and financial services issues. Meanwhile, the EU is often only represented at senior officials level. This leaves European businesses navigating the complexities of the ASEAN market without the high-level political support that their competitors enjoy. The lack of EU representation puts us at a distinct disadvantage; we miss out on the opportunity to influence regulations, standards, and policies that directly impact our regional operations. It also sends a negative message: the EU is just not as committed to ASEAN as others. This has the potential to undo years of trust and good work that have been built. The EUs slip in the recent State of Southeast Asia survey reflects this, potentially harming the long-term prospects of European businesses in the region. There is still time for the EU to step up its play with ASEAN, but it requires more than just words on paper. Ministerial-level representation on energy issues would be a good start, with Europe sharing its winning strategies with ASEAN as the region develops its own power grid. As ASEAN negotiates what would be the worlds first regional agreement on the digital economy, EUs more active role in this should be as welcome. Europe and ASEAN need each other as partners, just like soccer teammates who rely on close coordination. With a new European Commission, we can only hope it will strengthen its engagement with ASEAN in the future and see more European commissioners working side by side with their ASEAN counterparts. _(_**Chris Humphrey**_ is Executive Director of the EU-ASEAN Business Council.)_

political showdown over the opposition party-led impeachment motion against him. The main opposition Democratic Party of Korea said it would push for a vote Saturday for an impeachment motion against Yoon over his aborted martial law declaration that shocked the entire nation and the world. The Democratic Party and Yoons detractors are now trying to remove him from the presidency, but the outlook for impeachment remains uncertain as Han Dong-hoon, leader of the ruling People Power Party, said last Thursday he would work hard with his party to block the motions passage. Han said his decision was not to defend Yoons unconstitutional martial law but to prevent a chaotic situation that could hurt the public. Hans stated position heralds a rocky path for the impeachment motion since it requires a two-thirds majority to pass parliament. Of the 300-member National Assembly, the opposition bloc needs at least eight votes from the ruling party to pass the bill. The contrasting stance of the rival parties over the need for impeachment is expected to further deepen the level of conflict in the countrys political circles. Adding to the political tension, the opposition-controlled National Assembly passed impeachment motions against Board of Audit and Inspection Chair Choe Jae-hae and three top prosecutors over their roles in the relocation of the presidential office and issues involving first lady Kim Keon Hee. Yoons martial law decree also put Koreas financial and business sectors on edge. On Wednesday, foreign investors dumped stocks valued at 600 billion won (RM1.87 billion) and the Korean currency plunged to a two-year low against the US dollar at one point before regaining some of its value thanks to a pledge by the financial authorities to supply liquidity. Experts noted that markets are now in a better condition than expected, but if political turmoil continues and uncertainty about the governments economic policy increases, the overall credit rating of the Korean economy could suffer a setback. International credit rating agencies like S have given high marks to Koreas reliable and consistent policies. But Koreas political risks, globally exposed by Yoons abrupt martial law declaration, are feared to undermine the countrys sovereign ratings among foreign investors. As for relations with the US and other neighbouring countries, there is no doubt that Yoons martial law declaration has generated negative reactions. For instance, Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell said the US was watching the development with grave concern. Diplomatic events involving the US, Japan and other countries are being delayed or canceled, reflecting heightened political and social tensions in Korea. It is deeply regrettable that Yoon has complicated Koreas political situation and dragged down its international stature overnight. More worrisome is that the negative impact could last longer than expected, spilling into other sectors a sorry development that the government must prevent with all resources and measures available.

the New Collective Quantified Goal on Climate Finance to help protect vulnerable and developing countries against the adverse impact of worsening climate disasters was a breakthrough agreement and an insurance policy for humanity. Poorer nations that are bearing the brunt of the catastrophic effects of a steadily warming planet howled in protest, however, rejecting the COP29 deal as abysmally poor. Indias delegate Chandni Raina described it as a paltry sum that will not address the enormity of the challenge we all face. Greenpeace Philippines campaigner Virginia Benosa-Llorin could not agree more. It is a betrayal of climate justice and a slap on the face of all developing nations. We have been dragged into a climate crisis that had little to do with us, at the cost of countless lives and trillions in loss and damages, Benosa-Llorin said. Indeed, countries such as the Philippines had pushed for a climate finance target of as much as $1.3 trillion from wealthy nations to bankroll developing countries climate mitigation projects. The Philippines knows only too well the devastating impact of worsening climate change with storms becoming more frequent because of warming seas that supercharge these weather disturbances, bringing with them more rain and therefore more intense flooding and damage to infrastructure and farmland, and deaths. According to the Asian Development Bank, climate-related disasters could be as high as 7.6 per cent of gross domestic product by 2030 which could set back its economic momentum. The Philippines has already been determined by experts to be the country thats most vulnerable to natural disasters given its location, exposed to the Pacific Ocean and lying well within the Pacific ring of fire. Super typhoon Pepito, for instance, was the sixth typhoon to strike the Philippines in less than a month. Scientists have also determined that last July, Super typhoon Carinas wind speeds were about more intense by 9 miles per hour and its rainfall 14 per cent higher as a result of warmer sea temperatures. Those coming in the future will likely have the same characteristics if nothing is done, thus draining government resources for disaster response with higher toll on life and limb and property. This then makes it more imperative for the Philippines to use its unique role as host of the Loss and Damage Fund Board to lead efforts to get the so-called Global South those most vulnerable to climate change the financial assistance that rightfully belongs to them in the name of climate justice. Established through a decision of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Paris Agreement, the Loss and Damage Fund aims to help developing countries respond to economic and non-economic loss and damage associated with climate change, including extreme weather events such as typhoons and droughts. President Marcos earlier signed into law the Loss and Damage Fund Board Act, that provided the body with a legal personality to govern the international climate change fund. With that, the Philippines is on the way in positioning itself as a global leader in calling for climate accountability, according to Greenpeace. Indeed, the Philippines can be the test case for the fund itself following the successive strong tropical cyclones that hit the country in just a month, demonstrating the unique cumulative loss of lives and damage to critical infrastructure such as hospitals, schools, roads and water, and power systems. Environment Secretary Maria Antonia Yulo-Loyzaga had said during the formal signing of the agreement to host the board of the fund during COP29 that the unrelenting impacts of [the typhoons] should serve perhaps as a baseline not only of what climate-vulnerable developing countries are and will be in fact enduring in these uncertain and unpredictable times, but also of our capacity to recover given the adequate and timely access to resources. The Philippines has indeed been provided with a platform and an opportunity to advocate not just for itself but for other countries, for whom a global climate finance war chest is a matter of life and death. Let not that voice be silenced and instead be used to loudly demand that richer nations account for decades of indiscriminate emissions that are increasing the pace of climate change, to the detriment of the poorer nations who have little to do with the cause but are suffering the brunt of its adverse effects.

its current potential fully. The year 2025 is equally significant for ASEAN because it also marks the 10th anniversary of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). The theme for Malaysias Chairmanship is Inclusivity and Sustainability two key values which have drawn upon Malaysias MADANI values of Sustainability, Compassion, Respect, Innovation, Prosperity and Trust. For MITI, it is exactly those values that will underscore the outcome-driven economic agenda we will be promoting through ASEANs Economic Pillar. Inclusivity and Sustainability as Malaysias ASEAN 2025 value proposition is admittedly very simple, even prosaic. But it truly encapsulates the brutal simplicity of what is facing our region: if Southeast Asia cannot become more inclusive and sustainable, other propositions such as economic prosperity and tech innovation may prove to be empty wins. Indeed, decades have been spent talking about the need for a people-centric ASEAN, of ensuring the economic wins of regional integration benefit all, including women, youth and micro-medium and small enterprises (MSMEs). Additionally, our economies and people will also be left behind if we cannot create a regional ecosystem that maximises the benefits of e-commerce and digitalisation. Furthermore, our lands and economic ecosystems will also be devastated if we fail to embrace sustainability and transition towards greener energy and carbon neutrality. The MADANI Government, too, espouses prosperity that must not only benefit the rich and elites, and must not be at the expense of our environment which is already fragile from the impact of centuries of carbonised economies and industries. So, in effect, Inclusivity and Sustainability is the perfect theme for ASEAN 2025 because it is what the region, and I dare say even Malaysia, need to succeed in the future. The main events will of course be the two ASEAN Summits in Kuala Lumpur, along with Related Summits like the ASEAN+3 or East Asia Summits. It will be very exciting to see the leaders of our region and the wider world all descend upon our soil. But in fact, our year-long commitment involves different levels of meetings across different ministries to progress ASEANs political-security, economic and social-cultural integration agendas. For ASEANs Economic Pillar, which the Ministry of Investment, Trade and Industry (MITI) and several other Ministries are responsible for, we will classify our Priority Economic Deliverables (PEDs) into four key thrusts, namely Enhancing Trade and Investment, Creating an Inclusive and Sustainable Pathway, Promoting Integration and Connectivity of Economies and Building a Digitally Resilient ASEAN. More details about what we hope to achieve will be provided as time goes on. My colleagues in the Cabinet will of course have their own initiatives on their own and in collaboration with each other. At the working level, the Senior Economic Officials Meeting just concluded in Kota Kinabalu from 4-5 December 2024. Moving forward, on the Economic Pillars plate, we also have, among others, the 31st ASEAN Economic Ministers (AEM) Retreat in Johor (February 2025), the ASEAN Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors Meeting in Kuala Lumpur (April 2025) and the 57th AEM and AEM Dialogue Partners Consultations, together with the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) Ministerial Meeting in Kuala Lumpur (September 2025). Many will wonder what the impact of all these Meetings will really have. Allow me to briefly explain. Bear in mind that ASEAN will become the fourth largest economy in the world by 2050. Its GDP last year stood at USD3.8 trillion compared to USD2.5 trillion in 2015. Regional trade in 2023 was USD3.5 trillion compared to USD2.3 trillion in 2015. As I have repeatedly mentioned, there is so much room for growth, particularly with current intra-ASEAN trade at just 23 25 per cent. Increasing trade is one of the matters high on MITIs agenda next year, including by ensuring we can either conclude or upgrade the various Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) that ASEAN has ratified with key trading partners. Increased trade within ASEAN also means increased trade for Malaysia. In fact, the best way to appreciate the value of ASEAN is to imagine a Southeast Asia without it: no visa-free access for business and travel to other countries in the region; no ASEAN lanes at immigration in various airports; tariffed Malaysian goods exported to Southeast Asia and vice-versa; no FTAs with crucial trading partners like China, India and Japan, which could mean laboriously negotiating individual bilateral trade deals, one by one. Imagine, too, if each ASEAN Member State had to individually negotiate cross-border issues like the digital economy, artificial intelligence (AI) and climate change surely these issues could be better negotiated as a grouping with more clout and bargaining power. All these may be too conceptual for the masses to appreciate, because most of us have, for example, taken for granted the relatively free movement of goods, services and people among ASEAN countries, facilitated by plenty of G2G negotiations over the decades. Granted, ASEAN still has a lot of work to do to become a more integrated economic community which is why MITI is determined to achieve as much as possible on the economic front, to ensure that the benefits of a more integrated ASEAN economy will be felt long after Malaysias 2025 Chairmanship ends. MITI is equally determined to help Malaysia shape of the future of our region. So, we will be both proactive and passionate on ASEAN. We may not see results immediately but how Malaysia drives ASEANs agenda and manage difficult regional issues vis--vis the grouping will have an impact on Malaysians and our businesses in the long run. So, the short answer on whether all these Meetings will really have an impact on Malaysia is this: Yes, we stand to gain a lot from it, which is why it must matter a great deal to Malaysia. This is also why I am excited about ASEANs economic agenda it will be a lot of hard work for MITI and the various Ministries involved, but we are determined to deliver on our Economic Pillar KPIs, because I am confident their positive impact on our region will transcend long after Malaysias Chairmanship ends, and even beyond our lifetimes. _(_**Tengku Zafrul Tengku Abdul Aziz**_is the Minister of Investment, Trade and Industry, Malaysia.)_

biodiversity goals. Malaysia called for stronger regional collaboration on biodiversity finance, with support from Indonesia. Despite these efforts, ASEANs overall presence in the negotiations has been less prominent compared to other regions, though there remains significant potential for leadership, as demonstrated by the Philippines proactive stance. Right now, the world is focused on another critical multilateral environmental agreement, the Global Plastic Treaty. At the fifth Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC 5) in Busan, South Korea, from Nov. 25 to Dec. 1, ASEANs participation will be pivotal. Will they maintain their proactive momentum from COP16, leveraging the opportunity to lead on public interest and regional welfare, or remain overshadowed on the global stage? Plastic pollution poses multifaceted threats to human health, the environment and the economy. From production to disposal, plastic is one of the planets most carbon-intensive industries, with its carbon footprint doubling in less than 30 years to account for nearly 5 per cent of total annual greenhouse gas emissions, significantly impacting the Southeast Asia region. To avoid the severe impacts of plastic pollution on health and the environment, a fundamental shift in how plastics are produced, used and managed is urgently needed. Yet, even as the world grapples with the plastics crisis, production continues to rise. Meanwhile, the economic impact is substantial, with marine plastic pollution alone causing gross domestic product reductions globally, estimated at up to US$7 billion (RM31 billion) annually. Such pollution jeopardises the vast economic potential of our oceans, projected to reach a GDP of $3 trillion by 2030, comprising about 5 per cent of the global GDP. Particularly in the Southeast Asia region, where the blue sector dominates, contributing significantly to aquaculture, fisheries and global trade, the oceans economic importance cannot be overstated. However, the region also faces grave economic losses because of plastic pollution, estimated at $19 billion across 87 coastal countries. This economic threat undermines the aspirations of initiatives like the ASEAN vision 2045, which seeks innovative green economy, climate action, sustainable urbanisation and nature-based solutions. Since 2021, ASEANs Marine Regional Action Plan has aimed to combat marine debris by phasing out single-use plastics, generating momentum that should now be amplified globally to reduce plastic pollution across the region through the Global Plastic Treaty. For ASEAN, active participation in the negotiations is vital, not only for the regions environmental and economic resilience but also for setting a global precedent for decisive action against plastic pollution. During INC4 in Ottawa, the Philippines emerged as a regional leader, linking plastic pollution to climate impacts. However, consistency in prioritising public interest over industry influence remains crucial. Similarly, Thailand highlighted the importance of addressing chemicals of concern impacting public health, although stronger commitments are needed. Notably, no ASEAN country has championed embedding the polluters pay principle into financial mechanisms, despite supporting extended producer responsibility (EPR) systems. While EPR holds producers accountable for waste, it must also drive systemic change, including a shift toward reuse models. Indonesia, a key player in INC3 discussions on problematic plastics, has become increasingly passive, largely because of industry influence, as evidenced by the presence of petrochemical representatives in its delegation. ASEAN has a storied track record of strong environmental diplomacy. Thailand, the Philippines, Cambodia and Timor-Leste have joined the High Ambition Coalition under the Convention on Biological Diversity, advocating ambitious targets to achieve the 2030 biodiversity goals. Vietnam has taken bold steps by proposing that the International Court of Justice (ICJ) affirm countries obligations to combat climate change, highlighting that nations must prevent harm to the global climate system and cooperate in good faith to address climate challenges. Similarly, Indonesia has played a significant role in the UNCLOS negotiations, contributing to the protection of the marine environment and pollution prevention, efforts that continue to this day. These examples demonstrate ASEANs potential to influence global frameworks effectively, including the Global Plastic Treaty. Scientific data and modelling from institutions such as the OECD emphasise the urgent need to eliminate plastic pollution to ensure a liveable planet. The scientific consensus is clear: aligning the treaty with the 1.5 degrees Celsius target requires not just demand-side measures but also significant restrictions on supply. This aligns with lessons from COP 16 CBD, where ASEAN countries like the Philippines played pivotal roles, advocating for just finance mechanisms, IP rights and climate-biodiversity alignment programs. Malaysia and Indonesia also emphasised financial commitments to protect biodiversity, demonstrating the potential for strong regional leadership. These successes should galvanise ASEAN leaders to prioritise public interest during INC5. The six-day negotiations in Busan present a critical opportunity for ASEAN to rise as a global leader, championing public health and environmental sustainability. Addressing the plastics crisis requires reducing production, halting biodiversity loss and limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees. Any ASEAN government endorsing a treaty without robust provisions on primary plastic polymers, chemicals of concern and problematic plastics undermines the treatys objectives. To be remembered as trailblazers of sustainable economies, ASEAN leaders must act decisively, prioritising public and environmental health over fossil fuel industry interests. _(_**Rayhan Dudayev**_ is Senior Regional Campaign Strategist (Legal and Political) of Greenpeace Southeast Asia.)_

inseparable principle despite the changing nature of successive administrations. In contemporary Indonesian foreign policy, the principle is being implemented more literally. This is evident in Indonesias desire to join the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the BRICS economic blocs. The aspiration to join these blocs has drawn diverse opinions from experts; some criticise the move while others support it. In this opinion essay, I argue that Indonesias ambition to join both blocs could provide opportunities for the nation but may also undermine its national interests. Regarding background, Indonesia has been a vital partner of the OECD since 2007 and aims to become a member state by 2027. In a press statement by then-coordinating economic minister Airlangga Hartarto in May 2024, he announced that Indonesia had been accepted as an accession state at the OECD Ministerial Council Meeting in Paris on May 2 and 3, 2024. Regarding BRICS, then-president Joko Jokowi Widodo was invited to the BRICS Summit in Johannesburg in 2023, attending in Indonesias capacity as ASEAN chair for that year. During the summit, Indonesia was invited to become a permanent member of BRICS. However, president Jokowi declined the invitation, citing the need to consult with other ASEAN members first. Indonesias BRICS narrative continued following the inauguration of PresidentPrabowo Subiantoin October 2024. Shortly after the new cabinets inauguration, Foreign Minister Sugiono attended the BRICS Summit in Kazan in Russia and stated that Indonesia was pursuing membership in the bloc. Indonesias membership in the OECD and BRICS could provide significant opportunities. As a middle power, Indonesia plays a normative role in shaping the international agenda while promoting international norms and principles. Indonesias _bebas-aktif_foreign policy principle ensures the country can engage with diverse international actors. This is evident in Indonesias active engagement with the Global South and frequent interactions with the Global North and the worlds major powers. Furthermore, these engagements have positioned Indonesia as a bridge builder (at least according to the elites) between countries and blocs in the international system. Indonesias participation in the OECD and BRICS could bring the concerns of developing countries and the Global South to forums involving the worlds powerful economies while advocating for greater institutional inclusivity through its status as a normative middle power. Moreover, closer relationships with the worlds largest economies could yield substantial economic benefits for Indonesia, which prioritises economic development and growth. Lastly, in the case of BRICS, Indonesia could trade more freely using non-United States dollar currencies. At the same time, membership in the OECD could enhance opportunities for access to and transfer of technologies. Despite the opportunities they provide, these memberships also raise concerns regarding Indonesias national interests. In the case of BRICS membership, the need for a clear economic policy within the bloc potentially hampers Indonesias goal of economic growth. Additionally, BRICS, which includes countries like Russia and China, might damage Indonesias international standing due to perceptions of aligning with specific geopolitical camps and revisionist powers, especially since BRICS is often viewed as more than just an economic bloc. On the other hand, the OECDs high entry barrier could mean that it will take Indonesia several years to join the bloc due to the required domestic reforms, both in economic and political aspects. These aspects could include trade protectionism, corruption, law and legislation, labour and human rights. Consequently, this might hamper Indonesias short-term goal for economic growth due to the inability to integrate with some of the worlds prominent economies. Additionally, Indonesias membership in the OECD could incite domestic pushback due to perceptions of participating in an institution that includes Israel, a member of the OECD, which many fear could shift Indonesias support toward Palestine. Indonesias foreign policy, guided by the_bebas-aktif_principle, has evolved since its inception by Mohammad Hatta to navigate contemporary global dynamics effectively. Currently, Indonesia is using its_bebas-aktif_principle as justification for considering membership in both the OECD and BRICS, facing both opportunities and challenges from these organisations. While joining the OECD could enhance access to developed markets and technologies, it may entail risks related to short-term economic growth and shifting relations with Israel regarding Palestine. On the other hand, BRICS membership raises concerns about the blocs need for more apparent economic policy and alignment with revisionist powers like Russia and China, potentially compromising Indonesias nonaligned stance despite the opportunity to participate in a non-Western international economic system. The government must be cautious in weighing the benefits of economic growth against risks to national interests, particularly concerning geopolitical alignments in the case of BRICS and domestic perceptions linked to Israel and support for Palestine in the case of the OECD. Ultimately, membership in both organisations needs to be evaluated in terms of costs and benefits for Indonesia, especially considering its status as a middle power and its non-aligned stance. Therefore, Indonesian policymakers must deeply contemplate these issues and include a wide range of foreign policy actors in the discussion before deciding on membership in either organisation.

stone will be left unturned" and "a thorough and detailed investigation will be carried out". Defence Minister Mohamed Khaled Nordin, Higher Education Minister Zambry Abdul Kadir, and Education Minister Fadhlina Sidek will ape the PM's words that action will be taken and the perpetrators punished. The PM's response about the culture of bullying at Malaysia's top military university was to say that it was madness and that it was not tolerated. He said, This is madness. We talk about knowledge, but we dont realise that discipline is essential in educating human beings. Humanity and knowledge are key to understanding. However, words are not enough. Heads should roll. Lessons should be learnt. An example of the man at the top who failed in his job should be made. Those in charge should assume responsibility and resign as they have failed the students, their parents and our nation. Deaths have occurred but no one has assumed responsibility and it appears to many Malaysians that no one is in charge. Wrongdoing has happened, but no one has been found guilty. Noises are made, but weeks or months later, the same abuse and bullying resumes. Something is wrong, but no one seems to be able to pinpoint the weak areas in the training. Why not? Why have more cases emerged since the last reported incident? It's as if the message about stopping the culture of bullying was either not conveyed, or was totally ignored by the teaching fraternity in UPNM. How strong is the apathy in the university? How deeply entrenched is the culture of fear? It would not come as a surprise if the parents of any student at UPNM were to take their child out of the university until an independent investigation is done, the culprits investigated, charged if found wrong, tried in court, and sentenced. The same treatment should be meted out on the heads of the appropriate faculties, the vice chancellor and the wardens of the halls of residence. If university students cannot be protected from harm, what guarantees can the authorities give the parents about keeping their teenage children in military camps safe? These are the people who are responsible for the smooth running of the school and yet they appear to have shrunk into the background as if trying to avoid the public glare to do with these deaths and assaults. On 8 November, at the Kuala Lumpur Sessions Court, Amirul Iskandar Norhanizan, 22, was charged with assaulting fellow cadet, Muhammad Salman Mohd Saiful Surash, 20, with a hot steam iron. So, didn't Amirul read the news that seven years earlier, cadet Zulfarhan Osman Zulkarnain had been tortured to death when his peers wrongly accused him of theft of a laptop? His six assailants were sentenced to death in July 2024. Was Amirul not aware of this tragic case? In the university induction, was mention not made about bullying and that bullies would be severely punished? Reading the reports about the latest bullying prompted the armed forces spokesman to say, No party involved will be protected or spared if found guilty. Legal action will be taken against those responsible. Haven't we heard this, or something similar before? On 13 November, Muhammad Amir Rusyaidi Muhammad Zaidi, 25, a Reserve Officer Training Unit (ROTU) cadet at Universiti Teknologi Mara (UiTM), collapsed and was later pronounced dead at a hospital. After a gruelling training session during which he was allegedly ridden like a horse by his instructor, the victim was left in the sun for 30 minutes before he fell into a coma. The victim's father, Muhammad Zaidi Abdul Rahman, said instead of calling an ambulance or taking his son to the UiTM medical centre which was nearby, precious time was lost by transporting the unconscious cadet to a hospital which was much further away. Why didn't common sense prevail? In the month before, on 21 October, Mohd Adil Mat Awang Ghani, 22, a third-year student, had pleaded not guilty to causing hurt to second-year student Muhammad Haziq Iqbal Ahmad Rashidi, 19, by stomping on the victim's stomach with spiked boots. The victim sustained rib and spine fracture because of this cruelty. Was this part of UPNM's training to toughen up the cadets? Malaysians are extremely worried because when the National Service programme for school leavers is resumed in the new year, the fear is that the teenagers who are housed in military camps will face similar risks of bullying by their seniors. The NS programme started in 2003 and right up to the time it was terminated in 2018, has been plagued with many issues from food poisoning to safety in the camps, sick students denied medical treatment, sexual abuse, and bullying. If university students cannot be protected from harm, what guarantees can the authorities give the parents about keeping their teenage children in military camps safe?

per cent of the population, and stressed that the super-rich should not expect subsidies. He also increased the STR (Sumbangan Tunai Rahmah) allocation the cash transfer programme which benefits some 10 million people nationwide to RM13 billion for 2025. However, despite these intentions, the economic problems faced by the people both the B40 and M40 have not decreased significantly in the past two years. The median monthly salary is approximately RM2,8001. This means that 50 per cent of workers in Malaysia (the total number of Malaysian workers is close to 10 million) get salaries lower than RM2,800 per month. Home prices and rental costs have risen dramatically Many families carry a high debt burden consuming 20 to 40 per cent of their monthly incomes Government hospitals are overcrowded and there are not enough specialist doctors and investigative tools. Young people face the problem of unemployment (8 to10 per cent of those aged 25-35 years)2 and under-employment. Many are forced to take up jobs not corresponding to their education/training, and with low wages. So, the economic pressures faced by ordinary people have not subsided following the victory of the Madani government. But, is this DSAIs fault? The economic system that has developed over the past 50 years is very one-sided. It benefits the richest people in the world! This is clearly seen in Malaysia where the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) increased 24-fold in real terms3 between 1970 and 2020, while the median wage of workers only increased 2-fold. Over the same period, total government revenue dropped from 30 per cent of GDP in the 1980s to 15 per cent today. This means that much of the increase in countrys wealth has accrued to the elite at the top of the wealth pyramid. If the total government revenue had remained at 30 per cent of GDP, the government would have been able to allocate sufficient funds for government hospitals to strengthen health services, launch a pension scheme for the elderly, provide public transport throughout the country at reasonable prices and so on. But unfortunately, a large part of the increase in the national income has been channelled into the bank accounts of the biggest corporations and billionaires both inside and outside the country. **Neoliberal approach has replaced socio-democratic approach** For 30 years after the Second World War from 1945 to 1975, the socio-democratic approach shaped government policies around the world. Challenges from the communist bloc Russia, Warsaw Pact countries, China, Vietnam and several other countries scared the elite in the West. Western elites are worried that their workers would also revolt and align with the global leftist movement. Therefore, the western elite were prepared to accede to the demands from trade unions for reasonable wages, unemployment benefits, free/low-cost health services, elderly pensions and so on. In Malaysia, we witnessed the launch of the Felda scheme, the supply of water and electric power to almost all rural areas, the construction of rural clinic such that more than 90 per cent of the population was within 5 km of a health facility, free universal education, the launch of schemes such as EPF and SOCSO and so on during this social-democratic period. But after the implosion of the Warsaw Pact in the late 1980s, and the transition of the Chinese and Vietnamese countries to an economy based on capitalism, the fear of the western elites abated, and they began showing their true colours. Neoliberal ideology was encouraged in universities, thinktanks, and in institutions such as the World Bank and IMF. The government is the main obstacle to the development of the economies of countries. The government should be reduced in size, and the regulation of corporations relaxed. The market must be permitted to do its magic. Taxes and other restrictions on corporations should be minimised so that corporations can play their role in driving GDP growth. Private sector led growth. Foreign direct investments (FDIs) are crucial for developing countries. A "business-friendly" approach should be practised to attract FDIs. Wages must be kept at a low level, labour unions controlled and taxes kept low. Trade is the "magic bullet" that will bring progress and prosperity. Free Trade agreements that severely restrict national sovereignty have been forced upon third-world countries. As a result, countries in ASEAN have been plunged into a race to the bottom in corporate tax rates. Corporate tax in Malaysia was 40 per cent of company profits in 1988. It has been reduced in stages to 24 per cent today. This is because Thailand also did the same and is now at 20 per cent, while Singapores is only 17 per cent. This does not happen only in ASEAN. Corporate taxes have been cut around the world. In the European Union, the average corporate tax was reduced from 35 per cent of profits in 1997 to 20.7 per cent in 20214. In the United States, corporate tax which was 30 per cent of total government revenue in the 1950s, has decreased to only 10 per cent of total government revenue in 20155. This is the main reason why social protection that was once so comprehensive in Europe has been weakened and this has sparked the revolt of ordinary people in Europe and the United States. The absence of a left-wing movement that could capture and channel ordinary people's profound dissatisfaction in a socially useful direction, opened up spaces for the right-wing to develop chauvinist and anti-migrant political narratives. **Is PSM satisfied with the performance of Madani government?** Although we are aware that the country's "trajectory" in the direction of benefiting the largest global corporations began long before the Madani government took office, PSM is very disappointed that DSAI and his cabinet remain blissfully unaware that a new system of colonisation has been created by the implementation of neoliberal policies over the last 40 years. This regrettable lack of insight has led to the continuation of policies that further subjugate the national economy such as Making attracting of more FDI, the major component of the Madani development policy. They are proud of the figures that show increases in FDI. Signing on to the CPTPP an agreement that will tie the government's hands and further reduce policy space. Further, the Madani government is looking for more free trade agreements to sign on to. Reluctance to increase the minimum wage to RM2,000 as recommended by PSM and some other parties, or implement a seniors pension scheme. Because DSAI and his cabinet do not understand the true situation, their statements regarding efforts to eradicate poverty and create an inclusive society will remain mere rhetoric. This is because the aspirations imbedded in those statements are in direct contradiction to the existing structure and the current trajectory of the Malaysian economy. Is not easy! Because neoliberal policies reign all over the world, and these have given the richest corporations and the billionaires many avenues to shift their profits to low tax regime jurisdictions, and to intimidate governments with the threat of capital flight. But it is not impossible. We can (and should) establish a phased strategy to incrementally take back the control of the country's economy so that the wealth generated in Malaysia can be distributed to our people in a fairer manner. An example of a policy that we should consider: can we reach an agreement at the ASEAN level to stop the race to the bottom in corporate tax rates? Can the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement be modified to reflect this goal? Perhaps a new clause could be inserted into the agreement to impose tariffs on the products of any country that continues to reduces its corporate tax rate any further. Can we promote the idea that all ASEAN countries should take steps to develop the domestic market by increasing average wages and augmenting government revenue? If we succeed in increasing the aggregate demand in ASEAN's 650 million population, this will drive more investment in manufacturing of goods and providing of services for our people. This will in turn generate more job opportunities for our people. We would then be less dependent on the export market for the economic health of our countries. Perhaps, to succeed in this effort, we may need to borrow one of Trump's strategies and impose tariffs on imports that are too cheap because cheap imports will undermine our efforts to build ASEANs manufacturing sector. Can ASEAN countries embark on a collaborative effort to build electric buses in order to develop green public transport in the region? And what about the pharmaceutical industry? Can ASEAN countries work together with Cuba to make ASEAN self-sufficient in 90 per cent of the medicines used by our population? These are examples of the conversations that need be undertaken by those who want to break the grip of 21st century neo-colonialism. Unfortunately, DSAI and the Madani government do not understand the need for a "Second Bandung". Bandung 1955 failed due to several factors including the lack of capital, insufficient technical knowledge, lack of scientists, engineers and other professionals. The efforts of Western powers to overthrow leaders who were committed to the Bandung vision Nkrumah, Soekarno, Lumumba, Amilcar Cabral, Thomas Sankara and many others was another major factor. After 70 years, the Third World has now accumulated enough capital, has created a much larger layer of scientists and professionals and has developed significant infrastructure. But unfortunately, the leaders of many Asian and African countries, including our Madani leaders, have forgotten the vision of Bandung. They have lost the plot! They have been turned over by the half-truths peddled by the World Bank and IMF institutions that exist largely to maintain the dominance of the largest Western corporations over the entire world (as they have over the past 500 years!) Although it would be much more effective if the government spearheads national and regional discussions to develop a comprehensive strategy to release our country and the ASEAN region from the grip of 21st century colonialism, in a situation where the government has lost its way, civil society has to initiate this important project. This is one of the tasks that the PSM is committed to. But we are small. We need many more idealistic people who want to play a role in freeing our country from neo-colonialism, to join in and make this effort a success. _(Paper presented at Sosialisme 2024. 30/11/24, KLSCAH.)_ _1 _35 per cent of Malaysian workers in formal sector had wages lower than RM2,000 per month; median wage for formal sector workers at RM2,600 in March 2023. Datuk Seri Dr Mohd Uzir Mahidin (_The Star_, 2023-08-05) _2_ Youth unemployment in Dec 2023 at 10.6 per cent (_Starbiz_, 2024-02-14) _3_ (a) Malaysian GDP in current prices increased from RM11.83 billion in 1970 to RM1.5 trillion in 2019. 1,500 divided by 11.83 = 127. (c) Population of Malaysia increased from 10.3 million in 1970 to 32 million in 2019 (A factor of 3.1). Therefore, increase of Malaysian per capital GDP between 1970 and 2019 in real terms was 127 / (5.1*3.1) = 8.0. _(_**Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj**_ served as Member of Parliament for Sungai Siput from 2008to2018. A respiratory physician who was awarded a gold medal for community service, he is also a secretariat member oftheCoalition Against Health Care Privatisation and chairperson oftheSocialist Party of Malaysia.)_

biodiversity goals. Malaysia called for stronger regional collaboration on biodiversity finance, with support from Indonesia. Despite these efforts, ASEANs overall presence in the negotiations has been less prominent compared to other regions, though there remains significant potential for leadership, as demonstrated by the Philippines proactive stance. Right now, the world is focused on another critical multilateral environmental agreement, the Global Plastic Treaty. At the fifth Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC 5) in Busan, South Korea, from Nov. 25 to Dec. 1, ASEANs participation will be pivotal. Will they maintain their proactive momentum from COP16, leveraging the opportunity to lead on public interest and regional welfare, or remain overshadowed on the global stage? Plastic pollution poses multifaceted threats to human health, the environment and the economy. From production to disposal, plastic is one of the planets most carbon-intensive industries, with its carbon footprint doubling in less than 30 years to account for nearly 5 per cent of total annual greenhouse gas emissions, significantly impacting the Southeast Asia region. To avoid the severe impacts of plastic pollution on health and the environment, a fundamental shift in how plastics are produced, used and managed is urgently needed. Yet, even as the world grapples with the plastics crisis, production continues to rise. Meanwhile, the economic impact is substantial, with marine plastic pollution alone causing gross domestic product reductions globally, estimated at up to US$7 billion (RM31 billion) annually. Such pollution jeopardises the vast economic potential of our oceans, projected to reach a GDP of $3 trillion by 2030, comprising about 5 per cent of the global GDP. Particularly in the Southeast Asia region, where the blue sector dominates, contributing significantly to aquaculture, fisheries and global trade, the oceans economic importance cannot be overstated. However, the region also faces grave economic losses because of plastic pollution, estimated at $19 billion across 87 coastal countries. This economic threat undermines the aspirations of initiatives like the ASEAN vision 2045, which seeks innovative green economy, climate action, sustainable urbanisation and nature-based solutions. Since 2021, ASEANs Marine Regional Action Plan has aimed to combat marine debris by phasing out single-use plastics, generating momentum that should now be amplified globally to reduce plastic pollution across the region through the Global Plastic Treaty. For ASEAN, active participation in the negotiations is vital, not only for the regions environmental and economic resilience but also for setting a global precedent for decisive action against plastic pollution. During INC4 in Ottawa, the Philippines emerged as a regional leader, linking plastic pollution to climate impacts. However, consistency in prioritising public interest over industry influence remains crucial. Similarly, Thailand highlighted the importance of addressing chemicals of concern impacting public health, although stronger commitments are needed. Notably, no ASEAN country has championed embedding the polluters pay principle into financial mechanisms, despite supporting extended producer responsibility (EPR) systems. While EPR holds producers accountable for waste, it must also drive systemic change, including a shift toward reuse models. Indonesia, a key player in INC3 discussions on problematic plastics, has become increasingly passive, largely because of industry influence, as evidenced by the presence of petrochemical representatives in its delegation. ASEAN has a storied track record of strong environmental diplomacy. Thailand, the Philippines, Cambodia and Timor-Leste have joined the High Ambition Coalition under the Convention on Biological Diversity, advocating ambitious targets to achieve the 2030 biodiversity goals. Vietnam has taken bold steps by proposing that the International Court of Justice (ICJ) affirm countries obligations to combat climate change, highlighting that nations must prevent harm to the global climate system and cooperate in good faith to address climate challenges. Similarly, Indonesia has played a significant role in the UNCLOS negotiations, contributing to the protection of the marine environment and pollution prevention, efforts that continue to this day. These examples demonstrate ASEANs potential to influence global frameworks effectively, including the Global Plastic Treaty. Scientific data and modelling from institutions such as the OECD emphasise the urgent need to eliminate plastic pollution to ensure a liveable planet. The scientific consensus is clear: aligning the treaty with the 1.5 degrees Celsius target requires not just demand-side measures but also significant restrictions on supply. This aligns with lessons from COP 16 CBD, where ASEAN countries like the Philippines played pivotal roles, advocating for just finance mechanisms, IP rights and climate-biodiversity alignment programs. Malaysia and Indonesia also emphasised financial commitments to protect biodiversity, demonstrating the potential for strong regional leadership. These successes should galvanise ASEAN leaders to prioritise public interest during INC5. The six-day negotiations in Busan present a critical opportunity for ASEAN to rise as a global leader, championing public health and environmental sustainability. Addressing the plastics crisis requires reducing production, halting biodiversity loss and limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees. Any ASEAN government endorsing a treaty without robust provisions on primary plastic polymers, chemicals of concern and problematic plastics undermines the treatys objectives. To be remembered as trailblazers of sustainable economies, ASEAN leaders must act decisively, prioritising public and environmental health over fossil fuel industry interests. _(_**Rayhan Dudayev**_ is Senior Regional Campaign Strategist (Legal and Political) of Greenpeace Southeast Asia.)_

countries in abating climate change. For medium-income countries like Malaysia, there are options that we may explore. In the past one year, my team and I have been involved in the Research and Innovation for Development in ASEAN (RIDA) project funded by the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) of the United Kingdom. The project aims to develop a bespoke software which can help energy planners to plan for various options in decarbonising energy generation sectors of a country. Our team consists of academics from University of Surrey UK (Dr Michael Short), De La Salle University Philippines (Prof Raymond Tan) and myself at the University of Nottingham Malaysia. On top of software development, our team also hosted three decarbonisation workshops in Kuala Lumpur, Manila and the UK with the project fund. The workshops were meant to expose industrial practitioners on various techniques on decarbonisation, so that CO2 emissions can be reduced, which in turn helps reduce carbon footprint of their products or processes. During the decarbonisation workshop held in Kuala Lumpur in March 2024, discussions were made among participants on the reflection of National Energy Transition Roadmap (NETR). The NETR was launched by the Prime Minister in June 2023, consisting of 10 flagship catalyst projects aiming to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) intensity against GDP by 45 per cent by year 2030 (as compared to 2005 baseline). During the workshop, the attendees identified that the use of biomass, carbon capture and storage (CCS), and hydrogen adoption as critical options for reducing emissions in hard-to-abate sectors like power, cement, and steel production. Note that biomass, CCS and hydrogen are among the flagship catalyst projects identified in the NETR. Let us examine these few flagship catalyst projects in greater details. Biomass is considered as carbon neutral renewable energy source, as plants absorb CO2 while it grows and release CO2 back to the atmosphere when it is burned. The good news is that biomass is found abundantly in Malaysia. In the oil palm sector, biomass is available in the upstream (plantation) and downstream production (palm refinery and oleochemicals). If the five policy thrusts and 17 strategies outlined in the National Biomass Action Plan 2030 (launched in 2023) can be materialised, the potential of biomass can be greatly optimised. Workshop attendees from the oil palm sector believed that it is currently not economical to use palm kernel shell (PKS) for electricity production, as the price of this biomass has raised significantly due to its export to Japan as a renewable energy source in the past decade. It is unlikely that local power generation operators are willing to purchase PKS in USD so to compete with the Japanese buyers. Fortunately, apart from PKS, there are still other types of biomass in the oil palm value chain, such as empty fruit bunches (EFBs), mesocarp fibre, oil palm trunk, etc., which has great potential, apart from wood waste, coconut shell and paddy rice husk. Instead of hoping for greater breakthrough with COP29, small countries like Malaysia should do our best to explore whatever possible options in abating climate change. With the recent move to rationalise fossil fuel subsidy, it is hope that the Malaysia government will provide better incentive for industrial practitioners on biomass adoption, so that the two important targets of NETR can be achieved, i.e. 70 per cent installed capacity of renewable energy share by 2050, and the complete removal of coal power plants. With regards to CCS, it is a technology that requires large investment. In its operation, CCS involves two important stages, that is capturing CO2 from large point sources such as fuel gas from power plants, cement factory, petrochemical complexes, etc. The captured CO2 then will undergo compression so to reach high pressure before it can be sent for storage in geological reservoirs. In the case of Malaysia, suitable reservoirs are those depleted natural gas wells found in the offshore area of Malay basin, which are approximately 100 km from the coast of Sarawak. Hence, it is necessary to compress the CO2 stream to about 100 bar (25 times of our car tyre pressure) before it can be sent for storage. Doing this certainly involves huge capital and operational costs. In Asia, several CCS projects are reported in Japan and China. The participants of KL decarbonisation workshop are also looking forward for the progress with the PETRONAS CCS projects at Kasawary platform at Sarawak offshore. Many are aware that Sarawak government is now pushing for hydrogen energy. This future energy source is useful in supplying high-temperature heating, fuel for long-range freight transport, among others (which is now predominantly supplied by fossil fuel). However, probably not many are aware that hydrogen energy is colour-coded, depending on their feedstock and production pathways. Among them, grey hydrogen is produced from fossil fuels (oil and coal), where greenhouse gases are released during its production. If CCS is installed in fossil-based hydrogen production facilities, its CO2 emission will be captured, which then makes the grey hydrogen to become blue hydrogen. On the other hand, if renewable energy source is used for hydrogen production, green hydrogen with zero carbon emission will be produced. The International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) reported that green hydrogen production using electrolysis only contributes about 4 per cent for global production in 2021, while 47 per cent of hydrogen production was produced from natural gas, 27 per cent from coal, 22 per cent from oil as a by-product. For now, green hydrogen is approximately two times more expensive than blue hydrogen and four times as compared to grey hydrogen. This is mainly due to the fact that 70 per cent of its cost lies with its renewable energy input. It is expected that the decrease of renewable energy cost will soon make green hydrogen to be more economically viable. In the case of Sarawak, its green hydrogen production is made possible thank to its abundant hydropower, which is a low carbon renewable energy source. If things go according to plan, Sarawak may become green hydrogen exporter to Japan and Korea in a coupon of years, helping to position Malaysia as a major green hydrogen producer upon 2050. It is worth noting that the National Climate Change Policy 2.0 launched last September (a renewed version based on the first edition in 2009) has reassured the position of biomass, CCS and hydrogen energy in the abatement of climate change of Malaysia. It is hope that this new policy will drive the country towards reduction of GHG intensity by 45 per cent by 2030, and moving towards the net zero target in 2050. Rather than hoping for greater breakthrough with COP29, or in any future COP events, small countries like Malaysia should do our best to explore whatever possible options in abating climate change. It is hoped that pursuing such efforts will help slow down (if not reduce) the risk of having more intense extreme climate incidents (e.g. sudden floods, prolong draught) which we have witnessed their increased frequency in recent years. _(_**Professor Dominic Foo**_ is Fellow, Academy of Sciences Malaysia, FASc.)_

very well-documented. From cardiac disease to pulmonary complications, it is proven that cigarettes have prematurely claimed countless lives. Vaping, on the other hand, was touted as not only a safer and healthier alternative to smoking but also as a tool for smoking cessation. The NHMS 2022 reported a 6.2 per cent prevalence of cigarette smoking among adolescents in 2022 a reduction of more than half compared to 13.8 per cent in 2017. However, the safety of vaping remains questionable at best. The report also mentioned that more 15- to 19-year-old experienced poisoning due to deliberate use of vape, with 95 per cent of these cases being symptomatic. Even as a tool for smoking cessation, vaping has not been proven effective in the long term. Although a significant number of people who vape report doing so to quit traditional smoking, a significant proportion are dual users those who simultaneously use both traditional cigarette and e-cigarettes. The only exception was among students with CGPA between 2.4 to 2.8, where vape-only users and dual user were evenly split at 50 per cent. This highlights a troubling reality: the existence of e-cigarettes seems to have merely shifted users from one addiction to another from traditional cigarettes to e-cigarettes. Even worse, the e-cigarette and vaping industry has a history of targeting children and adolescents through appealing packaging and flavours. Although the Control of Smoking Products for Public Health Act 2024 (Act 852) finally came into effect on 1st October 2024 10 months after being passed by Parliament and 18 months after the deregulation of liquid nicotine it may prove too little, too late, and almost certainly too ineffective. Even though Act 852 explicitly prohibits the sales of smoking products online, purchasing them on the internet remains alarmingly easy. This is evident on Shopee, another popular e-commerce platform. A search for vape yields no results; however, typing vap into the search bar immediately brings up various slangs terms and alternative key words that ultimately lead to vaping products. While open advertisements for vaping products have supposably diminished or become non-existent since Act 852 came into effect, it hardly makes a difference. The user base of children and adolescents has grown so large that word-of-mouth marketing, driven by customers themselves, is proven more effective than conventional advertising. So, what can be done and what must be done to protect public health, most importantly the health of our children and future generations? The **enforcement** of the law, obviously, **needs much improvement**. The government must collaborate with e-commerce platforms to halt the listing of smoking and vaping products and identify those who persist in violating the law. Additionally, there is a need to change the narrative surrounding the perceived safety vaping products. Dangerously, m

At the time, Thailand attracted Japanese investment due to its high economic growth rate (averaging 5 per cent annually), low labour costs, robust infrastructure, and political stability. However, rising geopolitical tensions, particularly the intensifying trade conflict between the US and China, have significantly impacted global trade and investment. Since Donald Trumps first term as US president, trade between the US and China has declined from 16 per cent of total US trade in 2016 to just 11 per cent in 2023. Foreign businesses in China have sought to mitigate risks by diversifying investments to other countries, a strategy widely known as China Plus One. Japan has also relocated investments out of China as part of this approach. Comparing Japanese investments during 20142020 and 20212023, Japans net investment in China decreased by 0.3 trillion (-39 per cent). In contrast, Japanese investments in Southeast Asia rose by 1.1 trillion (+33 per cent), driven by the regions proximity to China and its well-established supply chains. However, Thailand is no longer the top destination for new Japanese investments in Southeast Asia. From 2021 to 2023, Vietnam overtook Thailand as the second-largest recipient of Japanese investments in the region after Singapore. Vietnams net investments from Japan surged by 260 billion (+54 per cent), primarily in AI and semiconductor industries, which are considered megatrends. Meanwhile, Thailands net investments increased by only 80 billion (+13 per cent), causing its ranking to drop to third in the region for Japanese investment. According to the latest 2023 survey by the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC), Japanese investors view Vietnam as having the most positive outlook for business opportunities over the next three years compared to other Southeast Asian countries. Vietnams rising appeal over Thailand as an investment destination stems from several factors: Robust economic growth: Vietnams economy is expanding at an annual rate of 5-6 per cent, driven by consumption, investment, and exports. Growing workforce: Vietnam boasts a labour force of over 56 million people, with an average population age of 34.1 years, representing both a productive workforce and a growing domestic market. Competitive labour costs: Vietnams minimum wage equates to about 8,800 baht per month, coupled with moderate English proficiency and high PISA scores (ranked 34th globally) in science, mathematics, and reading among its youth. In contrast, Thailand is gradually losing its competitive edge in attracting foreign investment, particularly from Japan its largest investor due to several challenges: Higher wages: Thailands labour costs are higher than those of other countries in the region. Ageing population: The shift towards an ageing society is reducing the countrys labour supply. Mismatch in workforce skills: The skills of Thai workers often do not align with industry needs, limiting Thailands ability to compete based on low labour costs as it did in the past. To regain its position and attract foreign investment, particularly in emerging industries, Thailand must prioritise improving workforce skills and increasing the number of highly skilled workers. Key recommendations include: Upskilling the workforce: Equip workers with skills for high-value, technology-driven industries through government-private sector collaboration, focusing on education and training aligned with market demands. Attracting skilled foreign workers: Allow skilled foreign professionals to fill gaps in emerging industries while enabling knowledge transfer to local workers. This could involve relaxing restrictions, such as permitting licensing exams in non-Thai languages and increasing the proportion of foreign employees allowed in companies. Although Thailand remains a significant manufacturing base due to its strong existing supply chains, the decline in foreign investment highlights global shifts and future challenges for the country. Without adaptation, Thailand risks being left behind in a changing world. Swift reforms and a focus on attracting future industries through human capital investment will be essential for Thailands long-term economic stability and sustainability.

15999 Childline was started in 2010 in the Women, Family and Community Development Ministry with the aid of Childline Foundation, Malaysia. This first child helpline was a free 24-hour helpline for children, manned by trained staff and was called the Talian Nur hotline for children. This was subsequently redesigned into Talian Kasih in 2015 which has a much wider scope that includes abuse, domestic violence, juvenile problems, poverty, single mothers, persons with disabilities, welfare assistance, counselling services, etc. One good thing about the current Talian Kasih is the availability of a WhatsApp number to enable those who are deaf to express their concerns. While Talian Kasih plays an important role, it dilutes the support that children require. A line that is not dedicated for children results in a larger volume of calls to deal with, staff that have to be trained in many different areas and who may lack expertise in supporting children, and possibly a less effective service for children. There have been calls in the past by Suhakam and Child Rights Coalition Malaysia to restore the functions of the Talian Nur child helpline as a dedicated line to ensure the safety of children. The lack of a dedicated child helpline has prompted other civil society organisations to start helplines for children and young people, like the Buddy Bear Childline. If we would like to improve the quality of our civil service helplines, we should move to having two different lines one general helpline for welfare needs and adult issues, and another dedicated for children. The dedicated helpline for children and teenagers should be managed by trained staff who have experience in dealing with psychosocial issues in children, including child abuse. There should be a range of staff who can speak Chinese, English, Malay, and Tamil; possibly some East Malaysian languages as well for calls from Sabah and Sarawak. The dedicated helpline for children must have the capacity to respond quickly, all over the country, to urgent needs when violence is involved. This would be best done with staff from the Welfare Department partnering with a large network of civil society organisations (NGOs) using the provisions under the Child Act 2001. There should be on-going training for those manning the helpline with staff emotional support. A dedicated helpline for children should be free and manned 24 hours. It should be widely and continually advertised via all forms of media and in all education facilities so that children are aware of the availability of the service. One important point to recognise about children calling in is that they may take time to express their serious concerns. Internationally, it is recognised that boys in particular may call up to seven times before speaking up. Hence there are not prank calls by call category but rather drop calls and should be taken seriously. Finally, any serious attempt to provide a dedicated helpline for children and teenagers should be audited periodically for improvement. The audit should preferably be transparent and conducted by an external team and include the quality of services, responsiveness, childrens awareness of the helpline number, ability of staff, and include feedback from children. _(_**Dato' Dr Amar-Singh HSS**_ is Consultant Paediatrician, Child-Disability Activist; _**Datin PH Wong**_ is Executive Director, __Childline Foundation, and Co-Secretariat Child Rights Coalition Malaysia.)_

inaccessible. **Rising**** premiums **spurred by escalating private hospital costs pose a significant challenge, with recent hikes reported at 40-70 per cent. While this impacts all policy-holders, the ageing population bears the brunt, facing a double burden of rising premiums and fixed incomes. For many, these stark increases leave no choice but to terminate their policies, placing additional burden **on public healthcare facilities**. For instance, the premium for an insurance policy that previously cost RM281 has now doubled to RM627 (annual: RM 7,524) for a 61-year-old retiree, placing a significant financial strain on those reliant on fixed incomes (i.e. pensions, EPF), amidst escalating living costs. Rising insurance premiums far outpace actual inflation rates, compounding the financial strain on policy-holders. The notion of paying less now to save later is a misconception as at the end of the day insurance entities often **transfer the burden of medical inflation onto policy-holders by increasing premiums.** Tax relief may soon lose its significance for the working class, as rising insurance premiums risk becoming increasingly unaffordable. How will the current generation fare as they age when many are already struggling to afford insurance premiums? Therefore, as Malaysia transitions into an aged nation, it is imperative for stakeholders to implement proactive, robust, and effective measures to address this looming crisis. The sedentary lifestyles of Malaysians, coupled with genetic predispositions and the natural ageing process, significantly increase the risk of developing non-communicable disease (NCDs) related to cancer, cardiovascular, metabolic, and respiratory conditions. Furthermore, many individuals face multiple NCDs simultaneously, compounding the challenge. This lack of awareness, coupled with young adults opting out of insurance coverage and relying solely on public healthcare, risks further straining the already burdened public healthcare system. In the long term, an overburdened public healthcare system may lead to increased out-of-pocket expenses for essential services, including insulin, potentially mirroring the challenges faced by countries like the U.S., where insulin access is not universally free. Rising insurance premiums far outpace actual inflation rates, compounding the financial strain on policy-holders. **Insurance policies misused by healthcare professionals ** As disclosed, part of the increase in premiums is due to the rise in private hospital fees proving, as the saying goes, there is no smoke without fire. Private hospitals often contribute to these costs by overcharging for procedures, inflating doctor fees, and performing unnecessary medical tests, particularly when patients have medical cards. Such unethical practices by ostensibly** highly skilled and educated professionals** not only drive up the overall cost of insurance premiums but also leave policy-holders unable to fully utilise their insurance benefits due to restrictive policies, unfair claim rejections, etc. Malaysias accessibility to cutting-edge medical technologies and equipment, coupled with affordable treatment plans for international patients, has established the country as a leading healthcare hub in the region. While medical tourism significantly boosts Malaysias economy, it raises concerns for locals who rely on the same private hospitals and treatment plans. Catering to medical tourists often requires substantial investments in infrastructure, technology, and personnel to meet global standards costs that are frequently passed on to all patients, driving up local medical expenses. Additionally, private hospitals adjust their pricing models to align with international patient rates, which are often beyond the affordability of residents, potentially distorting the market and increasing healthcare premiums. Therefore, these combined factors underscore the urgent need for stakeholders to explore and implement effective measures. 1. Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM) plays a critical role in regulating premium pricing. However, the current BNM's policy of not capping premium hikes grants insurance entities considerable authority to raise premium costs at their discretion. Adopting guidelines for transparent pricing and requiring insurers to justify increases based on medical inflation rates and actual healthcare cost data would provide critical safeguards for policy-holders, especially those from lower- and middle-income groups. 2. Besides, it is recommended that the Ministry of Health (MoH) enhance the healthcare regulations under the Private Healthcare Facilities and Services Act 1998, with a particular focus on **dispute resolution mechanisms** and transparent pricing. Key measures include establishing feedback and reporting systems for patients to report overcharging and creating independent mediation bodies to address such issues. Although MoH has wisely mandated private clinics and hospitals to list item prices, extending this requirement to other services would be beneficial. Implementing standardised billing practices, enforcing price limits on essential services, procedures, and medications, as well as requiring hospitals to display fixed prices, can promote fairness and equitable access to private healthcare. These measures would also minimise opportunities for misuse within the healthcare system. 3. Finally, citizens must be empowered through improved health education, equipping them to make informed decisions about their healthcare. Furthermore, hospital admissions paint an even starker picture, with public hospitals recording a 74.7 per cent admission rate. These figures underscore the mounting pressure on public healthcare, which could intensify if rising insurance premiums continue unchecked, leaving more citizens without private coverage. In conclusion, what should be an essential need health insurance is increasingly becoming a luxury, an unaffordable reality for many. Stakeholders must away from a reactive we'll cross that bridge when we come to it mindset and tackle the monopolisation of private hospitals and insurance entities within the healthcare industry. _(_**Jachintha Joyce**_is a Research Assistant at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focused on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research.)_

16 per cent of the population lives with a disability. With care partners, we account for more than 30 per cent of the Malaysian electorate. In this article, we compare the Pakatan Harapan party election manifesto and action plans for disability inclusiveness with achievements after two years of governance. The Pakatan Harapan party election manifesto uses appropriate disability language, has a clear section, with plans, on persons with disabilities, recognises that persons with disabilities make up 15 per cent of the Malaysian population and the need to remove barriers to enable meaningful OKU participation. The table below summarises the plans and promises withactualachievements. As the table shows, of the promises made to the disability community and care partners, hardly any have been achieved after two years in office. The rating would not even achieve an E grade. Plans and promises are good but the proof is in the pudding, as the saying goes. When OKU rights are not made real, year after year, it is a gross failure of governance. It is vital to keep promises made. Otherwise, politicians worsen the already bad trust deficit. In the end, party manifestos end up being mere empty words. In the end it boils down to legislation. As long as we do not amend articles 8(2) and 12(1) of the Federal Constitution to expressly prohibit discrimination on the ground of disability, as long as we do not amend the toothless Persons with Disabilities Act (2008) to give it the scope and powers to enforce the rights of persons with disabilities, any plans and actions of any government cannot be challenged or questioned. We had looked to this government to improve the conditions for inclusion as a universal human right for all Malaysians. But it appears that the disability community may have to continue caring for itself.

Motorcyclists in Malaysia are notorious for their aggressive tactics. It is not uncommon to see riders weaving dangerously between cars, ignoring lane discipline, and refusing to use indicators. Many shout, curse, and even physically threaten drivers who fail to make way for them in narrow gaps. This aggression goes beyond mere road rage its a manifestation of a deeper disregard for rules and social responsibility. Even more worrying is the lack of safety measures adopted by these riders. Many rides without helmets, proper footwear, or functioning equipment such as headlamps and side mirrors. Some do not even possess valid licences. This negligence puts them and others at significant risk, turning what should be manageable traffic situations into deadly encounters. Malaysia records an average of **16 motorcyclist deaths daily**, amounting to **112 fatalities each week**. These numbers are not just statistics; they represent shattered families and lives lost to preventable accidents. Despite these alarming figures, there seems to be little urgency among authorities to address the root causes of the problem. One of the primary reasons for the current state of chaos is the glaring lack of enforcement by the police and other relevant authorities. Traffic laws, while comprehensive on paper, are rarely enforced with consistency. Riders who blatantly run red lights, make illegal U-turns, or speed on highways often go unpunished. An example of this inconsistency is evident on the Federal Highway, where motorcyclists are supposed to use designated lanes. However, many blatantly flout this rule, riding on main traffic lanes with no intervention from the authorities. Car drivers who venture into motorcycle lanes, on the other hand, are promptly penalised. This double standard only emboldens unruly behaviour among motorcyclists. Moreover, the rise of Mat Rempit culture street racers notorious for their reckless stunts remains largely unchecked. Despite numerous crackdowns over the years, these illegal racers continue to dominate suburban and rural roads, often in groups that make enforcement nearly impossible. The problem doesnt stop with enforcement; it starts with education. Malaysias driving schools, particularly those focused on motorcycle training, often fail to instil a sense of responsibility in their students. The emphasis in many of these schools is on passing the test rather than learning the rules of the road or understanding the dangers of reckless riding. Riders are often not taught to respect traffic laws or other road users, resulting in a generation of motorcyclists who view the roads as free-for-all zones. The explosion of gig economy jobs, particularly in food delivery services, has added a new layer to the problem. These riders operate on a commission-based model, which rewards speed over safety. Traffic lights become mere suggestions, and U-turns are made wherever convenient, regardless of legality or safety. While these riders play an essential role in our economy, their dangerous practices cannot be ignored. Delivery companies must take some responsibility by enforcing strict compliance with traffic laws among their riders. Its time for decisive action. The following measures could help address the crisis: Authorities must consistently enforce traffic laws. This includes penalising motorcyclists for riding in prohibited zones, running red lights, and failing to use safety equipment. Roadblocks and random checks should be conducted regularly to ensure that riders have valid licenses and roadworthy bikes. The police must show the same vigilance toward motorcyclists as they do toward other road users. A special team must be formed or get the help of the army, we can certainly send a message to these road ruffians in a firm and hard manner. Driving schools need to revamp their curriculum to prioritise road safety and responsible riding. Practical lessons should focus on real-world scenarios, emphasising the importance of traffic laws, lane discipline, and defensive riding techniques. Regular refresher courses should be mandatory for all motorcyclists. Delivery companies must introduce training programs for their riders, focusing on road safety and legal compliance. These companies should also implement policies that discourage dangerous behaviour, such as incentivising safe driving practices over speed. Authorities must establish dedicated task forces to clamp down on illegal street racing. If there are lack of police, please bring in the army, they can curb this menace in a weeks time, by assigning them to every corner of the nation. Community programs should be developed to provide alternative activities for youth drawn to this subculture. The parents must be involved in this exercise, and bring in the religious bodies who can also render help by giving special courses for this undisciplined youths. Nationwide campaigns should be launched to educate the public about the importance of road safety and the consequences of reckless behaviour. Media outlets and civic organisations can play a significant role in fostering a culture of mutual respect among road users. Have campaigns and programs all the time. All the highway and road electronic boards must carry community messaging to the bikers who lose their sense of responsibility on two wheels. Installing more CCTV cameras at key intersections to catch traffic violations in real-time. Upgrading and constructing more motorcycle lanes to ensure they are safe and appealing to use. The behaviour of many motorcyclists in Malaysia is a symptom of systemic failures in enforcement and education. However, this is not an unsolvable problem. With stricter laws, better training, and a renewed focus on road safety, we can turn the tide and make our roads safer for everyone. Motorcyclists must remember that they share the road with others, and their actions have consequences. Meanwhile, authorities must rise to the occasion, enforcing rules and setting higher standards for road safety. The time for half-measures and tidak apa attitude is over. To protect lives and restore order, we need bold and immediate action. _(_**Ravindran Raman Kutty**_is an active social worker.)_

cities to their hometowns or favourite holiday destinations. Furthermore, the report mentioned a DBKL study which found that motorists spend an average of 580 hours in traffic jams per year. Unfortunately for many people, this is the only mode of transportation available, given that our city was designed with cars in mind, rendering all other modes of transportation less accessible or outright obsolete. Combined with the ease of obtaining a vehicle, m